カテゴリ:西藏资料/チベット・資料( 11 )
チベット独立を支持する西洋人に対抗するためのツール
e0113320_2346176.gif最近話題になったAnti-CNN.comの掲示板より
中国の正当性を証明するための資料をならべている。
残念なことに、URLを見てわかるように.cnが多い。
xinhuanetとかpeopledailyから引用されても…

━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━

http://www.anti-cnn.com/forum/cn/thread-18744-1-6.html
对付西方藏独的工具

Article rebuts Dalai's hypocrisy on giving up 'independence' commitment
http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-04/02/content_7906052.htm

The Dalai Lama—what Richard Gere won’t tell you
http://www.bestcyrano.org/cyrano/?p=507

西藏日記
http://www.youtube.com/profile_videos?user=guihw

Tibet: The Truth (A Political History) 下载地址
http://www.megaupload.com/?d=D0NFT4QI
http://www.sendspace.com/file/icmeed

Tibet-It's Ownership and Human Rights Situation
http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/ce/cegv/eng/bjzl/t169780.htm
http://news.xinhuanet.com/employ ... /content_633181.htm

Tibet today
http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/zhuanti/Zhuanti_95.html

Freedom of religious belief in Tibet
http://www.tibet.cn/english/zt/religion/200402004519145138.htm

Economic development benefits all in Tibet, specialist says
http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/90001/90776/90785/6381303.html

China's Tibet Facts and Figures 2002
http://www.china.org.cn/english/tibet-english/rkmz.htm

Tibetan Population in China: Myths and Facts Re-examined
这是一篇以西藏历史人口为基础的学术论文,证明了西藏自60年代以来的人口增长。 文张比较长
pdf 的格式
http://www.case.edu/affil/tibet/ ... lation.in.china.pdf

以后就用这些对付外国被ZD洗脑的人
(以降はこれらの資料を使ってチベット独立分子に洗脳された外国人に対処してくれ)

谁还有材料跟贴
最好是英文 外国人写的最好
(資料を持っている人は書き込んでくれ、英文の、外国人が書いたものがいいだろう)

大家多多转载
(みんな転載しまくれ) 


━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━

Michael Parenti 所写的《西藏之谜》
http://www.michaelparenti.org/Tibet.html

一个见过dl演讲的游客 在他的旅行日记中记到 dl曾说英国女王的妈妈是个婊子
(dlはDalai Lama)
he(Dalai) implied that the Queen Mother was a slut.
http://www.raphaelk.co.uk/web%20pics/South%20Africa/South_Africa.htm

dl集团的"藏独"本质
http://www.youtube.com/view_play_list?p=D149DDD8888C79D1

透过历史看西藏
http://www.youtube.com/view_play_list?p=BA9B0DFFC687B745

CCTV-9 Documentaries of Lhasa riots and history of Tibet
http://www.youtube.com/view_play_list?p=04B4CDD6C20EA640

李敖有话说 - 西藏问题
http://www.youtube.com/view_play_list?p=4343AFA1FE68AA2F

dl去参加一个叫 CII 的商业会议平时说惯了嘴 竟然说
I thank the CIA for inviting me!"
Surprise! Dalai Lama steals the show from business bigwigs
http://www.rediff.com/business/1999/jan/08cii1.htm

CIA Postpones Release of Papers
http://www.fas.org/irp/news/1998/07/v000138-071798-idx.html

Poll Subject: Was the CIA Behind the Recent Troubles in Tibet?
http://bbs.chinadaily.com.cn/viewthread.php?tid=598718

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-06-16 00:28 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料
ILHR : チベット人女性の人権状況
2001, International League of Human Rights

Integration of the Human Rights of Women and the Gender Perspective:
(a) Violence Against Women:

A written intervention submitted by the International League for Human Rights,
a non-governmental organization in special consultative status


http://www.ilhr.org/ilhr/regional/tibet/womenrights.html

Mr. Chairman:

1. Five years ago, the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action affirmed that "[w]omen's rights are human rights" (paragraph 14). Nonetheless, in many societies, the traditional association of women with family issues-which are often considered matters of private, rather than public or international, concern-can obscure certain widespread violations of women's human rights. Consequently, some forms of gender-based violence are more visible than others. In recent years, for example, the International Criminal Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda have uncovered evidence of systematic rapes and other forms of sexual violence perpetrated by Serb and Hutu militias during campaigns of ethnic cleansing and genocide. In the aftermath of decisions like Akayesu, ICTR-96-4-T (Sept. 2, 1998), it has become disturbingly clear that a pattern of acts of violence against women can be symptomatic of other large-scale human rights violations directed against an ethnic population, including crimes against humanity and genocide.

2. Outside of the context of armed conflict, however, systematic and discriminatory acts of violence against women may be more difficult to discern. For this reason, we call the Commission's attention to the pattern of gender-based violence that Tibetan women suffer at the hands of Chinese government officials. This pattern includes forced or coerced sterilizations and abortions, as well as rape and other sexual torture perpetrated against Tibetan women, primarily nuns, as punishment for non-violent political protest. Moreover, these acts take place within the context of a broad and ongoing pattern of human rights violations against the Tibetan people, whose foundational right to self-determination has been denied for the past fifty years, as recognized by General Assembly Resolution 1723 (XVI) (1961) and reaffirmed by Resolution 2079 (XX) (1965). Women's rights violations in Tibet, including both reproductive rights violations and acts of sexual violence, reflect and in many ways originate in the failure of China's authorities to permit Tibetans to exercise their right to self-determination. Here, as in the more overt cases in Bosnia and Rwanda, patterns of sexual violence also evince a discriminatory motive.

3. Coerced abortions and sterilizations, as well as intrusive monitoring of women's reproductive cycles, constitute acts of discrimination that violate Articles 1 and 2 of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Article 16(e) of CEDAW specifically guarantees women the rights "to decide freely and responsibly on the number and spacing of their children and to have access to the . . . means to enable them to exercise these rights." At the Fourth World Conference on Women, the participating governments, including China, recognized and reaffirmed "the right of all women to control all aspects of their health, in particular their own fertility" (Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action, para. 17). To this end, governments agreed to "[e]nsure that all health services and workers conform to human rights and to ethical, professional and gender-sensitive standards in the delivery of women's health services aimed at ensuring responsible, voluntary and informed consent" and to "eliminate harmful, medically unnecessary or coercive medical interventions" (paras. 107(g)-(h)). China's 1995 White Paper, "The Progress of Human Rights in China," however, says only that the state respects a woman's "right" to "family planning" and her "freedom to choose not to give birth."

4. Tibetan women continue to face a systematic policy of medically unnecessary, highly coercive, and often harmful sterilizations and forced abortions, ostensibly justified by China's nationwide population control policies. Ordinarily, the government adheres to a "one family - one child" policy as a means to control China's overpopulation problems. But this policy, at least in theory, applies solely to nationalities whose populations exceed ten million. Only about six million Tibetans live in Tibet. More critically, Tibet has no population problem, and it never has. In fact, prior to 1950, about six million Tibetans lived in Tibet, a region roughly the size of Western Europe. Even today, in the "Tibet Autonomous Region," which covers about forty percent of the region traditionally called Tibet, fewer than 1.6 persons inhabit each square kilometre. Tibet remains one of the least populated regions in the world. There is absolutely no justification for China to apply its "family planning" policies in Tibet.

5. Indeed, if the true reason that China forcibly limits Tibetan women's reproductive rights is the government's legitimate concern about Tibet's population density, then it is difficult to understand why China continues to encourage the resettlement of tremendous numbers of ethnic Chinese in Tibet. The pattern of coercive sterlizations and abortions performed on Tibetan women, absent any real justification, constitutes measures imposed to prevent births within the Tibetan national, ethnic, racial and religious group. This suggests an intent to destroy the Tibetan people, in whole or in part, which is a clear violation of China's international obligations under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

6. Reports indicate that Tibetan women suffer forced sterilizations and late-term abortions at the hands of state healthcare workers. According to the Tibet Information Network (TIN), "a considerable element of coercion is applied to women, particularly in rural areas, through the mechanisms of fines and administrative structures introduced by these officials" ("Increased Restrictions on Birth of Children in Tibet," Feb. 9, 2000). For example, a 61-year-old Tibetan reported that poor women from his village, regardless of the size of their families, were summoned by Chinese authorities to undergo birth control measures. If they refused, the authorities fined them 1000 yuan, approximately two-thirds of the per capita net annual income for the farmers and herders who comprise 85% of the Tibet Autonomous Region's Tibetan population. TIN's source noted that "none of the women could dare refuse," and they were given the choice of "being inserted with loops [IUD], sterilisation, or injection." Tibetans who objected to these procedures-either because of their Tibetan Buddhist religious beliefs or their practical need, as subsistence farmers, for more children to help them survive-were reprimanded for "expressing such discontent" and told they were "defying the policy of the Chinese government," charges that "can lead to severe repercussions."

7. "Racial Discrimination in Tibet," a recent study by the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD), confirms that "sterilisation and forced abortions" have become routine in Tibet. For instance, in the Kanze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (a region of the Tibetan province of Kham), one Tibetan described how Chinese authorities visit his village regularly to enforce the birth control policy: "[A]ll the other women in the village who had two children already were ordered to undergo sterilisation regardless of their age or physical condition. They were treated like animals, and given very poor operations. One woman . . . died seven days after she was sterilised." Tibetan sources also told TIN researchers that Chinese authorities in the Kanze were intensifying birth control to enforce a strict "two child" policy for Tibetan farmers and herders-even though Kanze's population growth is about one-half that of China as a whole, and its population density is similarly sparse. ("New Birth Control Policies to 'Help Families Become Richer,'" Feb. 9, 2000)

8. Another Tibetan woman, from the Tsolho Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Qinghai Province, was threatened with severe consequences if she refused to abort her second child: "No words have the power to express the excruciating pain I experienced during the operation," she told TCHRD. "Over 85% of the women worker[s] have to undergo the same torture and excruciating pain." As her testimony suggests, Tibetan women are subjected to forced, and often late-term (as late as the 7th or 8th month of pregnancy), abortions. These cause them severe pain and are not always performed by experienced healthcare workers or under sanitary conditions. If the women refuse to submit to these procedures, however, their "unauthorized" children are denied education, medical care, ration cards and other state benefits that they would ordinarily receive. Moreover, some reports indicate that Tibetan women have been brought to medical clinics on various pretexts unrelated to their pregnancies and then, without their knowledge or consent, given injections that induce abortions.

9. Tibetan women also face a systematic pattern of gender-based violence for non-violent expressions of their political opinions. According to "Hostile Elements" (1999), a recent report by TIN, about one out of every twenty Tibetan women imprisoned for non-violent political expression die as a result of violence, torture, and other maltreatment. In June 1998, according to another TIN report ("Rukhag 3: The Nuns of Drapchi Prison" (2000)), five Tibetan nuns who had been detained for political protests in the late 1980s and early 1990s reportedly committed suicide after suffering five weeks of severe maltreatment. Security personnel, acting under official orders, had beat the nuns and subjected them to electric shocks with cattle prods: "Electric batons are utilised . . . to torture those under restraint. Sense organs, such as tongue and ears, body cavities and sexual areas, especially on females, have been routine points of application for electric shocks." In 1999, TCHRD likewise reported that Tibetan women detained for political expression are subject to sexual torture, including "assaults with sticks and electric cattle prods that are forcibly inserted into the vagina, anus and mouth."

10. Mr. Chairman, Article 1 of the 1993 Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women notes that "the term 'violence against women' means any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women," and Article 2(d) makes clear that this includes "physical, sexual and psychological violence perpetuated or condoned by the State." The evidence of gender-based violence in Tibet, including coerced abortions, forcible sterilizations, and acts of sexual torture, reveals a systematic pattern of violence against Tibetan women that is "perpetuated or condoned by the [Chinese] State." We therefore urge the Commission to adopt a resolution calling on the Chinese government to protect Tibetan women from this pattern of gender-based violence, to take prompt and effective measures to prevent the sexual torture and abuse of detained Tibetan women, and to cease the illegitimate policy and practice of forcibly sterilizing Tibetan women and aborting their children.

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-30 20:34 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料
西藏之頁 : 人權  (チベットの人権状況)
以事实证明西藏的真相
西藏流亡政府1993年
http://www.xizang-zhiye.org/b5/arch/books/zhen/index.html
http://gangjanba.googlepages.com/tibettruth1

前 言
一 、 西 藏 地 位
二 、 中 國 對 西 藏 的 入 侵 與 統 治
三 、 西 藏全 國 的 起 義
四 、 西 藏 過 去 的 社 會
五 、 人 權 ←今回はコレを抜粋
六 、 社 會 與 經 濟 狀 況 以 及 殖 民 主 義
七 、 宗 教 與 國 家 的 性 質
八 、 中 國 對 西 藏 人 口 的 控 制 和 對 西 藏 的 移 民
九 、 西 藏 的 環 境 狀 況
十 、 軍 事 基 地 與 地 區 和 平
十 一 、 尋 求 和 談 途 徑

http://www.xizang-zhiye.org/b5/arch/books/zhen/zhen5.html
http://gangjanba.googlepages.com/tibettruth5


概论

由于中国对西藏的侵略,造成了约一百二十万西藏人死于非命。至少在每家每户,几乎都有亲人被捕或杀死。阿沛 晋美指出:“公历一九五九年和一九六九年分别对西藏进行镇压时,几乎没有一户没有遭受过冲击的家庭。"由此揭穿了中国所谓将最黑暗、最野蛮、最残暴的旧西藏进行了民主改革的谎言。
历史上的西藏独立时期,西藏社会虽非人间天堂,但也不是如现在般令人恐怖的社会。例如:以前被称为两座最大监狱的是拉萨郎孜厦和雪监狱,各监狱关押的犯人最多时也不过三十余人。而中国侵入西藏後,却将西藏变成了监狱与劳该营遍布的世界。有时,在犯人过多而难于收拾时,为了管理的方便,有过成批枪杀犯人的事情。
所谓“ 中国解放西藏後,西藏人民享受著前所未有的幸福生活" 之说法,我们不妨分析一下看看究竟是不是那麽一回事。
从公历一九五九年到一九七九年间,中国对西藏的屠杀和破坏。 中文版《西藏自治区概况》一书第 565页,记述了从公元一九五零年十月一日到二十五日间,中国军队在西藏东部地区消灭五千七百余名西藏军队并俘获两千余人的情况。
另外,在许多书籍中对西藏人被集体屠杀和残酷折磨、炮击和轰炸寺庙村镇,毁坏草场等情况多有记载。例如:由国际法律专家协会于公历一九六零年写出的《中华人民共和国》一书中对上述情况做了一定程度的叙述。
在中国军队的机密文件《第十一师的总结》中记录了从公历一九五二年到一九五八年间,该师在安多甘南地区即平息叛乱九百九十六起,消灭一万余西藏人的情况。
安多果洛地区,公历一九五六年有人口十三万余。到公历一九六三年却反剩六万余人。(见《中国之春》中文版, 1986年 6月号)
公历一九八七年三月二十八日,班禅大师在北京全国人民代表大会的一次会议上就西藏问题指出:“果洛州在杀死了许多人以後,将尸体从山上滚到山脚埋好已挖好的坑内,然後,军队以`庆祝消灭叛匪'的名义,强逼死者亲属在上面跳舞,随後,又将全部亲属用机枪扫射杀死。如此对康、安多地区的人民实施前所未有的压迫与残害,以及将西藏人十个、二十个地成批屠杀所造成的仇恨依然被西藏人所牢记。"
公历一九五九年三月十日,对西藏拉萨人民的反抗运动进行镇压,在短短的两、三天之内,就有约一万到一万五千人被打死。
西藏军区政治委员会的一份公元一九六零年机密文件中,记叙了从公历一九五九年三月到一九六零年十月间,仅仅在西藏中部卫藏地区就消灭八万七千名西藏人的情况。
在西藏流亡政府的统计文件中,从公历一九四九年到一九七九年间,由于中国的残酷统治,造成了一百二十余万西藏人的丧身。

死于监狱、劳改营的西藏人

根据从监狱或劳改营中幸存藏人的报告:在整个西藏犯人中,约有百分之七十的犯人死于狱中。例如:在北方茶卡,即西藏北方荒无人烟区,中国人在那儿修建了五座监狱,将一万余名西藏犯人赶到这儿开采硼砂。据其後的幸存者证实,由于饥渴和繁重的劳役,加上无休止的折磨和虐待,造成几乎每日都有十至三十人的死亡,一年之内。即有八千余名犯人死去。再如以强逼西藏人服苦役而建成的、现在却被说成是由中国解放军修建的纳金水电厂为例。当时,在众目睽睽之下,几乎每天都有三至四个犯人的尸体被抛入河流或进行火化。康定铅矿工人,雅荣(新龙)的阿妈阿德指出:仅公历一九六零年到一九六二年间,就有一万两千零十九名西藏犯人死于开采铅矿的苦役中。


目前的西藏人权问题

公历一九七六年九月,毛泽东死後,中国的政策发生了变化,即在经济上放松和实行开放。对待政治犯也比较以往稍有改善,但是除经济上的放松或开放,对西藏的政治、自由等方面并没有发生任何的变化。公历一九八二年五月,将进行政治活动的一百一十五名西藏人以走私或刑事犯罪等罪名逮捕。其後又有许多人被逮捕。公历一九八三年十一月底,仅在拉萨市区的监狱中,即关押著七百五十余名政治犯,公历一九八七年九月二十日,二百余名拉萨群众进行示威游行,其後的十月一日和一九八八年三月五日,前後连续发生的游行示威中,中国军警开枪镇压,不仅打死打伤许多西藏示威者,而且还逮捕了两千余名西藏人。
据 UPI新闻社于公历一九八八年七月二十日报道:中国官员乔石于公历一九八八年七月到所谓的“西藏自治区"视察时,宣布要对反抗中国统治的西藏人毫不心慈手软地进行严厉打击。其後,该项政策马上得到贯彻。公历一九八八年十二月十日,在大昭寺前的广场上,中国政府对西藏人和平抗议运动进行镇压时,其经过为当时在场的荷兰籍女士科端斯扎(音)所亲眼见到。她说:“当时军警没有 进行任何的警告便向人群肆意扫射。她在逃跑时手臂被击中。"一位西方国家的记者指出:“中国军警明确地得到了要杀死藏人的命令,不管怎样,在当时的镇压中至少有十五名西藏人被打死,一百五十余人受伤,许多人被 逮捕。"?
从公历一九八九年三月五日开始,连续三天在拉萨发生示威游行,当示威者高举西藏国旗,高呼西藏独立的口号时,中国人再次武力镇压并向西藏人的住宅开枪射击,据人们估计:当时约有八十至四百人丧生,而中国却声称只有十一人死亡。另据当时在西藏的中国记者唐达先所说:当时的 镇压使四百余西藏人被集体屠杀,几千人受伤,三千余人被逮捕。
公历一九八九年三月七日晚:国务院发布了拉萨戒严的命令。公历一九九零年五月一日宣布解严,国务院虽宣布解除戒严,但是,公历一九九一年七月澳大利亚官方的人权代表在去拉萨视察後明确指出:“公历一九九零年虽解除了军事戒严,但那只是名义上的,事实上军事戒严仍在实施之中。"国际大赦 组织在公历一九九一年的年结中,不仅作出了类似上述的说明,而且还指出武装警察无限止地掌握著随心所欲地逮捕和监禁西藏人的权力。
为了使所谓解放西藏四十周年的仪式能够顺利进行,于公历一九九零年五月十日将一百四十六名西藏人以各种罪名逮捕,随後召开所谓公判大会,并就逮捕事项进行公布。而在真正“庆祝"的那天,却在拉萨采取极为严厉的管制措施。 公历一九九二年二月又突然 展开镇压行动,每队十人的中国武装军警同时闯入拉萨各居民的住宅,并将守藏有达赖喇嘛的照片,语录或讲经之书籍、录音带的二百余名西藏人以这些守藏物是要颠覆国家为名予以逮捕。
中国政府 虽如此不断地进行残酷的武装镇压,但西藏人从公历一九八七年开始的和平抗议运动却从未间断过。据现有的材料:从公历一九八七年九月到一九九二年之间,在整个西藏范围内发生的和平示威游行至少有一百五十多次,对持不同政见者和未经法律程序而随意逮捕或监禁的政治犯进行各种各样的虐待和折磨以及判处死刑或非法处决等情况已成为国际大赫组织关心西藏人权问题时,经常考虑或注意到的。
有关中国在西藏实施的宪法或法律条款中,不仅限制了基本的人权,而且没有按照国际法原则保障人权等情况,在国际大赦组织于公历一九九二年一月出版的“对中华人民共和国与西藏状况的忧虑"中均做了描述。
设在美国的亚洲观察组织于公历一九九零年五月写的《残暴的镇压与西藏人权》的报告中指出:“西藏和平示威者,持不同政见者等凡对中国统治表示不满者,中国统治者一概认为这些是在进行违法的分裂活动,进而不断加强武力镇压。中国人在毫无仁慈地进行镇压,在西藏已是经常实施的一个行为。"
中国在西藏的践踏人权行为是一个普遍的问题,根据确凿 的情况,中国违背了包括自己在内与各国协商通过的国际法,例如,违背联合国的《禁止酷刑公约》以及《国际人权宪章》等等。


随意逮捕、不准与外界接触的拘押、失踪 、未经审判程序的处决等

在国际大赦 组织于公历一九九零年的工作总结中可以看到许多有关由于随意逮捕、关押而不让外人接触,从而使许多西藏人去向不明或当场被处死的证据材料。在该总结中还记录了公历一九八九年三月拉萨戒严以後将千余名与中国持不同政见者为主的西藏人逮捕,并将其中的一些人不经任何审判程序使随即处死等情况,以及仅仅在公历一九八九年一年之内,就不间断的任意逮捕或不经任何审理以证明罪行而长期关押等无视践踏人权行为的情况。
在中国统治下的西藏,任何犯人都根本无权询问自己被逮捕的原因,审理地点 ,以及被告在法律上的权益等等。(逮捕时)出示法律机关签署的逮捕证的情况极为罕见,即使有逮捕证亦不出示。
西藏人的任何行为都有可能成为逮捕和监押的原因:与外国人交谈;张贴标语;颂唱爱国歌曲;收听或观看有《达赖喇嘛自传》 、讲经或教诲的录音、录像带;收集和平示威中自己同胞的伤亡情况;在十月一日,红色中国政权建立日,仅因提示朋友“要穿藏装",即以“施展阴谋"的罪名而被逮捕关押。不准西藏人与外人接触并拘押是一个极为平常的、司空见惯的现象。寻找被拘押者的关押地点或下落就完全是依赖于其亲属的努力。(见一九九一年伦敦出版的《对龙的迎战:西藏人权》第 33页)。
对被监禁的人,在几天,几个月,乃至几年以後才会说明逮捕的有关情况。由于这些人员是被非法监押,所以,在开始阶段,对其亲属就监押一事是不做任何说明的。


酷 刑

审讯犯人时实施酷刑,已是相沿已久的一个普遍的问题,中国于公历一九八六年十二月十二日在《禁止酷刑公约》上签字。从公历一九八八年以後,虽然该公约似乎要在中国正式实施。但对无视或践踏西藏人权的现象并没有任何的改变。据在监狱中亲身经验过虐待的人士所言,(中国军警)不仅使用电棒、拳打脚踢,使用枪托和铁棍击打,而且,总是顺手使用手中的任何武器,或利用各种各样、五花八门的刑具实施酷刑。用烟头烫,让电流通过人身,放狗咬,尤其向女性的阴道捅电棒等,用这些惨无人道、无所不用其极的残酷虐待强逼犯人“招供"罪行。
最近来自西藏东部、原在西藏曾为中国公安人员的流亡人士指出:“在西藏,中国人实施酷刑的种类有三十三种之多。在公历一九八九年九月的“西藏自治区"共产党内部文件《要征服别人,必须首先征服自己》之第二版第二十一页中,中国承认为了对西藏人实施酷刑而制造新刑具的情况。


不依法运作

对被告最基本的保障应是在还没有被依法证明有罪以前,被告应是无罪的。但在中国的法律中。对此并不明确。
对政治犯不是按罪行处刑,而是处予超乎寻常的重刑,有些没有任何罪行却拖延著让其处于监押之中。被监押者除极个别而外是无法上法庭的。脱离具自由之法庭的监督和管理而由军警掌握将犯人长期监押的权力等。从中国最近通过的一部法律来观之,虽有了向法庭诉讼的权力,而当事实上需要进行诉讼时,则该权利被规定得根本无法实现。
同样,在中国法律中,从未给予被告人以足够的时间陈述和证明自己无罪。为了司法的公正,虽然任何人都可以进入法庭,但中国的法律中是不允许的。而且也只可拥有减轻罪过的申请权利,从无说明自己无罪的申辨之权利。
法官只拥有对已被政治统治者做出了决定的事向外宣布的权利,由此,对西藏人指出法官只是宣读判决之人的说法不必感到任何的惊奇。


行动自由

阻碍西藏人在西藏境内自由迁徒的行为,完全违背了联合国《国际人权宣言》第十三条的规定。
西藏被固定在一个地区居住,如到其他地方,则由于没有户口而无法得到食粮。同时,不管有任何重大事情,若无“政府"批准,个人是无权擅自从一地搬迁到另一地的。以拉萨为例:借口无户口本或无“政府"批准,而将人赶回各自的乡下山村等情况已多次发生。例如:公历一九九一年五月二十三日,在所谓“纪念和平解放西藏四十周年"的准备阶段,以及公历一九八九年三月五日对和平示威进行武力镇压後,有四万余名西藏人被赶出拉萨。
公历一九九二年八月,原住在拉萨东区市医院背後之大片空地上的约六千余名朝圣者或无住房的西藏人全部被赶走,目前,哪儿已建起了中国的单位和商店等。


国际社会对西藏人权的关注

所谓中国“人民解放军"“解放"西藏的说法,在公历一九六零年“国际法律专家协会"有关西藏 问题的报告中已被证明是虚假的谎言。 在该报告中对中国在西藏有计划地践踏人权、灭绝民族等各种行为做了记录。
公历一九五九年,联合国 1357号决议和公历一九六一年第 1723号决议、以及公历一九六五年第 2079号决议第三个要求中国尊重西藏人民自决权和人权的决议,已证实了国际法律专家协会于一九六零年所写的有关西藏问题的报告之正确性。


政府与议会的支持

近几年来,在许多国家的议会中,通过了许多要求中国政府尊重西藏人权的决议。其中,公历一九八七年十月十四日、一九八九年三月十五日和一九九零年四月二十五至二十六日分别在欧洲议会通过了决议。公历一九八七年十月十五日的西德和公历一九八九年四月十二日意大利议会、以及公历一九九零年十二月六日和一九九一年六月六日分别在澳大利亚议会通过了决议。尤其是美国参众两院要求中国尊重西藏的政治权益和人权的十次决议,以及美国议会就中国对西藏的非法入侵和西藏人民所公认的合法代表是达赖喇嘛和西藏流亡政府的决议。该决议于一九九一年十月二十八日经总统布什签字已成为法律。同时,许多国家直接向中国政府就西藏问题表示了忧虑。
公历一九八九年四月二十七日在印度和公历一九八九年五月二十四日在奥地利,公历一九八九年三月二十六日在瑞士和公历一九八九年三月九日的澳大利亚等国家的议会议员们相继成立了支援西藏的组织,对处于强权之下的西藏状况给予了极大的重视和关注,并在议会对西藏问题展开讨论。 近年来


西藏问题在联合国的讨论

公历一九八五年,有关西藏的人权状况再次在联合国得到讨论。许多非官方组织向联合国人权委员会呼吁应重视西藏的人权问题。从此,联合国人权委员会以及其下属各分支机构对西藏问题进行公开的讨论。
公历一九九零年二月,在联合国人权委员会召开的第四十六次会议时,欧共体、美国、加拿大、瑞典、澳大利亚等国就西藏问题进行讨论,当时,上述官方组织还发行了有关中国在西藏实行民族歧视、军事戒严、剥夺自决权等解说西藏问题书籍。
联合国各分支机构召开许多不同形式与规模不等的有关西藏问题的听证会,并对中国代表设法回避事实的行为有力地进行了谴责,尤其是公历一九九零年召开的禁止酷刑的会议上,对中国代表特别地进行了严厉谴责。
公历一九九一年八月二十三日,保护少数民族与消除种族歧视等联合国各分支机构通过的“西藏局势"第 91/ 10号决议书,对由于践踏西藏的基本人权和自由,从而造成西藏特殊的文化、宗教、国家的性质等濒临灭绝的危险的处境表示忧虑。从上述情况、已使毛泽东“如果是正确的,就能得到人们的支持"的言论得到了验证。


所谓“政权 归属于人民"是欺世谎言

在中国白皮书中声称:由于“公历一九五九年对西藏的民主改革",使“人民民主的政治得到实施",西藏人民“成为国家的主人"。然而,事实并非如此。
所谓“西藏自治区",表明有“自治"的权益,但事实上,不仅根本谈不上西藏人治理西藏,甚至连表示自已观点的言论自由都没有。不管任何大小问题,最终的决定权,除“西藏自治区"共产党书记而外,西藏人是没有这些权利的。除伍精华是一个少数民族外,其余的共产党书记清一色的全是中国人。 例如:从公历一九五九年开始:张国华、曾雍雅、任荣、阴法唐、胡锦涛、陈奎元等担任了共产党书记的职务。
而在西藏人中的高级官员中,以最有名的阿沛 阿旺晋美为为例,如无职务比他还低的中国官员允许,他无权做出任何决定。似阿沛般拥有很高职务的西藏人,除了按中国人的命令前往西藏视察而外,没有留居西藏的权利。这种无居留或行动自由的处境在班禅大师身上也是真实地出现过。
对外声称在召开的民主大会,事实上,除了对共产党的首脑们提前已做好了决定的各项“议案"举手表示拥护和同意外,提出批评或修改意见是不允许的。并将如此的“决议"称之为通过人民“民主协商"後产生等等。对西藏人不管表面上给予多大的职务,事实上,真正掌握或控制权利的却是该藏族官员“下属"的中国官员。
对西藏人民赋予职权仅仅是表面现象,在类似“西藏自治区计划经济委员会"“西藏自治区人事局"等重要单位中,不管是各级官员还是一般工作人员,中国干部必定要多于西藏籍干部。 而所谓“人民代表大会"的代表候选人,以及当选代表等都是由共产党内部的中国官员早已做好决定的或是由他们从中挑选。
将西藏人口占多数的地区兼并入中国的各个省份,以 剥夺西藏人的政治权益。从这点而言,在投票时,由于在自己的故土也变成了少数民族,从而使其变得毫无意义。

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-30 00:38 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料
Wikipediaのチベット関連項目を整理する(永遠に“工事中”かも)
つーか、 …あんまり意味ないかも。

Wikipedia英語版メインページ
Wikipedia日本語メインページ
Wikipedia中文版メインページ

 

Tibet
チベット
西藏

Category:Tibet stubs

List of Tibet-related topics
チベット関係記事の一覧

Category:History of Tibet
Category:チベットの歴史
Category:西藏歷史

History of Tibet
西藏歷史

西藏歷史年表

List of emperors of Tibet
吐蕃王朝
吐蕃

Foreign relations of Tibet

チベットの領域に関する認識と主張

Tibetan sovereignty debate
西藏問題

1939 Japanese expedition to Tibet

People's Liberation Army invasion of Tibet (1950–1951)
チベット侵攻 (1950–1951)

Seventeen Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet
十七か条協定
中央人民政府和西藏地方政府关于和平解放西藏办法的协议

1959 Tibetan uprising
Lhasa uprising
1959年のチベット蜂起

1989年拉萨事件

Central Tibetan Administration
ガンデンポタン(チベット亡命政府)
西藏流亡政府

中華人民共和国によるチベットの分割と再編

Tibetan resistance movement
チベット動乱

Panchen Lama
パンチェン・ラマ
班禅额尔德尼

Gedhun Choekyi Nyima
ゲンドゥン・チューキ・ニマ
更登确吉尼玛

International Tibet Independence Movement
チベット独立運動
西藏独立运动

Tibetan Uprising Day
西藏人民起义日

Nangpa La shootings
囊帕拉枪杀事件

2008 Tibetan unrest
2008年のチベット動乱
2008年西藏骚乱


[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-09 01:04 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料
Wikipedia : チベットの人口統計
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tibet
Demographics

Historically, the population of Tibet consisted of primarily ethnic Tibetans. Other ethnic groups in Tibet include Menba (Monpa), Lhoba, Mongols and Hui. According to tradition the original ancestors of the Tibetan people, as represented by the six red bands in the Tibetan flag, are: the Se, Mu, Dong, Tong, Dru and Ra.

The issue of the proportion of the Han Chinese population in Tibet is a politically sensitive one. The Central Tibetan Administration, an exile group, says that the People's Republic of China has actively swamped Tibet with Han Chinese migrants in order to alter Tibet's demographic makeup.

View of the Tibetan exile community
Between the 1960s and 1980s, many prisoners (over 1 million, according to Harry Wu) were sent to laogai camps in Qinghai (Amdo), where they were then employed locally after release. Since the 1980s, increasing economic liberalization and internal mobility has also resulted in the influx of many Han Chinese into Tibet for work or settlement, as well as an exodus of some ethnic Tibetans moving into other provinces, though the actual number of this floating population remains disputed.

The Government of Tibet in Exile claims that, despite official statistics to the contrary, in reality non-ethnic Tibetans (including Han Chinese and Hui Muslims) outnumber ethnic Tibetans. It claims that this is as a result of an active policy of demographically swamping the Tibetan people and further diminishing any chances of Tibetan political independence. The Dalai Lama has recently been reported as saying that the Tibetans had been reduced to a minority "in his homeland", by reference to population figures of Lhasa, and accusing China of "demographic aggression".

The Government of Tibet in Exile questions all statistics given by the PRC government, since they do not include members of the People's Liberation Army garrisoned in Tibet, or the large floating population of unregistered migrants. The Qinghai-Tibet Railway (Xining to Lhasa) is also a major concern, as it is believed to further facilitate the influx of migrants.

The Government of Tibet in Exile quotes an issue of People's Daily published in 1959 to claim that the Tibetan population has dropped significantly since 1959. According to the article, figures from the National Bureau of Statistics of the People's Republic of China show that the autonomous region of Tibet was populated by 1,273,969 persons. In the Tibetan sectors of Kham, 3,381,064 Tibetans were counted. In Qinghai and other Tibetan sectors that are incorporated in Gansu, 1,675,534 Tibetans were counted. According to the total of these three numbers, the Tibetan population attained 6,330,567 in 1959.

In 2000, the number of Tibetans as a whole of these regions was about 5,400,000 according to National Bureau of Statistics.


However, the source of the 1959 Tibetan population quoted by the Government of Tibet in Exile is questionable. According to 1954 Chinese census report, the total population of the autonomous region of Tibet was 1,273,969; the total population of Kham was 3,381,064; and the total population of Qinghai was 1,675,534. These numbers were taken by the Government of Tibet in Exile as the population of Tibetans in each province.


━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━

1950—1990年藏族人口规模变动及其地区差异研究
http://www.tibetology.ac.cn/article2/ShowArticle.asp?ArticleID=2764
[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-08 21:13 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料
国際法律家委員会 : インド最高裁判所のチベットに関する報告書より (1959)
Tibet - Summary of a Report on Tibet:
Submitted to the International Commission of Jurists
by Shri Purshottam Trikamdas, Senior Advocate,
Supreme Court of India

http://www.icj.org/news_multi.php3?id_groupe=2&id_mot=328&lang=en
http://www.icj.org/news.php3?id_article=3415&lang=en

5th June 1959

(抜粋)

Press Conference Address

1. When the uprising took place in Tibet, we in the International Commission of Jurists were obviously concerned with developments taking place there. The Commission's main concern is with the legal aspects of the situation in Tibet in connection with:

a) the interpretation of the position of Tibet under International Law;

b) human rights to the extent that fundamental rights and freedoms of the people of Tibet are systematically violated or affected;

c) the threats of the events in Tibet to the Rule of Law and international peace

2. The International Commission of Jurists has not yet commented on the situation in Tibet because it was anxious to make certain of the facts of the case. I was asked by the Commission to investigate the matter on the spot and especially the legal and human rights aspects of the case. It was with this mandate that I organized a team of experts to examine closely and objectively -- as lawyers -- the Tibetan situation. After two months of work, we have completed the preliminary part of the investigation. We have collected documents, interviewed people and reliable witnesses from Tibet and studied the events as reported by the press and radio -- including the Chinese press and radio. These materials have been turned over to the International Commission of Jurists. They have been examined and scrutinized. On the basis of this, the Commission has taken certain decisions and I have been asked by the Commission to convey those decisions to you

3. I would first like to give you some idea of the results of our investigation. The situation in Tibet has evoked widespread concern and sympathy all over the world. The understandable exception to this are the Soviet dominated countries and the Communist parties in Asia and elsewhere.

What is happening in Tibet is reminiscent of the conquest by some European countries and domination over Asian and African people on the plea of bringing progress in those lands, described by complacent persons as the "White man's burden". In a sense it reminds one of the brutal suppression in Hungary. Unfortunate Tibet is presented at the same time with forced progress and brutal suppression at the hands of the Chinese Government.

4. It is not necessary to go very far into the historical background of Tibet beyond stating that from 1912 to 1950 Tibet was virtually an independent country. No Chinese writ ran in Tibet: there was no Chinese law, no Chinese judge, no Chinese policemen on the street corner; there was no Chinese newspaper, no Chinese soldier and even no representative of the Chinese government.

5. In 1950 China assured India that China had no intention of incorporating Tibet into China by force or otherwise and was willing to negotiate with Tibet regarding the future relationship of Tibet with China. But a few weeks later the invasion of Tibet took place -- on the 7th of October 1950. On the 19th October 1950, Chamdo in Eastern Tibet was captured and on the 24th Peking announced that the forces had been ordered to advance into Tibet "to free three million Tibetans from imperialist oppression".

6. As a result of the invasion, in December 1950 the Dalai Lama moved with his Cabinet to Yatung near the Sikkim frontiers where he remained till August 1951. In the meantime a Tibetan delegation had proceeded to Peking for negotiations as a result of which an agreement was signed on 23 May 1951, which is popularly known as the 17 Point Agreement. Its main features were:

(1) Chinese armies were to be allowed to enter Tibet for consolidating national defence

(2) Tibetan people were entitled to regional autonomy under the leadership of Central Peoples Government

(3) The Central Government were not to alter the existing political system or the status and functions and powers of the Dalai Lama

(4) Policy of religious freedom was to be carried out and religious beliefs, customs were to be respected and Lamas and monasteries were to be protected

(5) Language and school system, agriculture and economy were to be gradually developed and no reforms were to be carried out by compulsion

(6) While the Chinese were to handle external relations Tibet would be free to have commercial and trading relations with neighbouring countries

(7) The Chinese Government would set up a military and administrative committee, in which "patriotic" local personnel would be absorbed, for the implementation of the agreement.

7. The dismemberment of Tibet took place in 1951, the Dalai Lama being left with authority only in the Western portions of Tibet but with a Chinese general exercising effective control. In September 1954 the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama were invited to Peking where they attended a meeting of the State Council at which they had to submit to a number of decisions, including the formation of a "Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet".

8. Two years later, in 1956, Mr. Chou En-lai assured Mr. Nehru that China did not consider Tibet as a province of China, but as an autonomous region. He also said that it was absurd for anyone to imagine that China was going to force Communism on Tibet, though reforms would come progressively. They proposed, however, to postpone the reforms for a considerable time. About that time the Dalai Lama was in India and Mr. Nehru conveyed these assurances to him.

9. In 1957 Mr. Mao Tse-tung in his so-called hundred flowers speech said that reforms in Tibet would not be introduced during the period 1958-62 and that the introduction of proposed reforms would depend on the wishes of the Tibetan people.

This in brief is the historical background.

10. After the 1950 aggression and the 1951 Agreement the people of Tibet have insisted that Tibet should continue to enjoy the same internal autonomy as before while the Chinese talked of limited regional autonomy within the framework of the Chinese Constitution. The Chinese persistent effort has been to incorporate Tibet as an integral part of China.

Let us now turn to what happened in Tibet from 1951 onwards.

11. It is stated by Tibetan sources that soon after 1951 the first impact of Chinese control was felt in the feverish construction of roads and highways. The labour for this work was Tibetan men, women and children, laymen and monks, many of them forcibly drafted for the work. It is alleged that up to 200,000 were forced into these labour projects and about one-fourth of them are said to have died from the cold weather, hunger and fatigue. As one witness reported: "The financial and physical losses sustained by our people were great. By building the gigantic roads the economic loss sustained goes into thousands of acres of agricultural land, The Chinese destroyed agricultural lands, irrigation systems and ancient consolidated holdings by indiscriminately using the tracks in the name of highway priority. Numerous religious monuments, shrines, Mani walls and even houses of poor peasants that were in the path of the highway or road were destroyed". The systematic destruction of religious monuments and shrines for propagating 'Communism' will be dealt with later. The destruction of these and forcing the monks to forced labour shocked the Tibetans tremendously.

12. There is no doubt that since 1952 there has been large-scale Chinese immigration into Tibet, particularly in the North-East and Eastern areas. According to reliable sources, about five million Chinese have already been settled in Tibet and some four million more are going to be settled. The present population of Tibet is estimated at 3,000,000 people. The Tibetans naturally feel that as a result of this vast settlement of Chinese in Tibet, a complete destruction of Tibetan identity will be brought about in the foreseeable future. The Chinese immigrants have been brought into Tibet ostensibly for the purpose of bringing wastelands under cultivation but actually the immigration was followed by large-scale confiscation of lands and buildings belonging to monasteries and private persons, by levies of special taxes on everything the Tibetan possessed -- and here the monasteries were discriminated against and subjected to exorbitant taxation -- and the depletion of decades-old granaries which, affected the most fundamental sensibilities of the Tibetans who regarded them as a religious-like symbol of pride and sign of prosperity.

13. The efforts by the Chinese to destroy systematically private trade and, commerce will not be described in detail here but will be included in the final report. The destruction of religious freedom however requires mention. Through the Chinese press, which began firmly entrenched as the sole source of press information in Tibet, a precise and deliberate campaign has been conducted against the Buddhist religion and the lamas, and against Buddha himself. I would like to quote from a Chinese controlled newspaper published in the Tibetan language:

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-05 02:24 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料
国際法律家委員会 : チベットと法の支配に関する提議 (1959)
The Question of Tibet and the Rule of Law
http://www.icj.org/news_multi.php3?id_groupe=2&id_mot=328&lang=en
http://www.icj.org/news.php3?id_article=3430&lang=en


24th July 1959

There is prima facie evidence that the Chinese Communists have by acts of genocide attempted to destroy the Tibetan nation and the Buddhist religion in Tibet, the International Commission of Jurists announced in a preliminary report "The Question of Tibet and The Rule of Law" published here today. There is evidence, the report states, that the Chinese have by killing Tibetans and by the forcible removal of Tibetan children committed acts contrary to the Genocide Convention of 1948. There is also evidence that these acts were intentionally directed towards the destruction of the Tibetan religion and the Tibetan nation. The 208-page report, which also considers the evidence on other violations of human rights and examines the international status of Tibet, has been sent to the United Nations and to all U. N. delegations.

The International Commission based its report on extensive materials and documents and on the findings presented to it last month by Mr. Purshottam Trikamdas, a Senior Advocate at the Supreme Court of India and former Secretary to Mahatma Gandhi. Mr. Trikamdas was asked three months ago by the Commission to investigate the matter. Working with a small team of experts, Mr. Trikamdas submitted in person last month the results of his investigation.

At the same time the Commission announced the formation of a "Legal Inquiry Committee on Tibet" to continue the investigation and submit a final report. The names are to be announced shortly.

The report consists of four parts. Details on the religion and socio-political structure of Tibet, a chronology of events for the past twelve years and an account of those leading up to the flight of the Dalai Lama to India are given in the first part. The fourth part of over 100 pages of documents sets out the treaties governing the international position of Tibet and also contains statements by the Dalai Lama, Mr. Nehru, and Chinese communist spokesmen concerning the Tibetan uprising. A Manifesto and a Memorandum on the events in Tibet by Tibetan Leaders are also published.

The second and central part of the report considers the evidence available so far concerning alleged violations by the Chinese People's Republic of a series of important international instruments. Amongst those considered are the Seventeen-Point Agreement between Tibet and Communist China which Tibet was forced to sign in 1951. The Commission report lists details of the violation of the Agreement, including those guaranteeing autonomy to Tibet and the religious and social rights of the Tibetans and especially notes that "Violation of the 1951 Agreement by China can be regarded as a release of the Tibetan government from its obligations, with the result that Tibet regained the sovereignty which she surrendered under that Agreement... For this reason the violations of the Agreement by China amount to more than a matter of domestic concern between Tibet and China. What is at stake is the very existence of Tibet as a member of the family of nations, and this matter concerns the whole family of nations."

On the question of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the question of Genocide the report by the International Commission concludes: "Any systematic violation of human rights in any part of the World should, it is submitted, be a matter for discussion by the United Nations... Most people," the report goes on, "will agree that in the sphere of human rights, some rights are fundamental. The rights of the Tibetans which appear to have been ruthlessly violated are the most fundamental - even that of life itself. With violations of this gravity it is not a question of human rights being modified to meet the requirements of local conditions. It is a question of conduct which shocks the civilised world and does not even need to be fitted into a legal category. The evidence points to a systematic design to eradicate the separate, national, cultural and religious life of Tibet... It is submitted, with a full appreciation of the gravity of this accusation, that the evidence points at least to a prima facie case of genocide against the People's Republic of China. This case merits full investigation by the United Nations."

The third part of the Commission's report studies the position of Tibet in international law. The Commission feels that although, due to its peculiar history and local conditions, the international position of Tibet is difficult to appraise it is clear that Tibet has been to all intents and purposes an independent country and has enjoyed a large degree of sovereignty. The research undertaken by the Commission, the report states, clearly shows that it could be difficult for the People's Republic of China to dismiss the case by using the plea of 'domestic jurisdiction'.

The International Commission emphasized that the report is a preliminary one and does not prejudge in any way the recommendations and conclusions which will be made in due course by the nearly-formed Legal Inquiry Committee on Tibet. The Committee will collect, obtain and examine any evidence present and future connected with the Tibetan question and it was announced that it would welcome any statements and documents related to the investigation.

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-05 01:59 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料
国際法委員会 : 法の立場から見たチベット
西藏的法律地位
http://www.xizang-zhiye.org/gb/arch/writings/index.html
http://www.xizang-zhiye.org/gb/arch/writings/waiguoren/gjf.html


国际法委员会
摘自《西藏与中华人民共和国》

------------------------------------------------


种族灭绝
人 权
西藏的地位
清末民初西藏的地位
西藏政府处理内部事务的权力
西藏政府处置外交事务的权力


(抜粋)

种族灭绝

绝根据联合国大会一九四八年十二月通过的「防止暨惩罚大屠杀行为公约」,凡是针对人类群体犯下的大屠杀行为,依国际法的认定,均属国家、种族、道德,以及宗教意义范围内的罪行。委员会发现,中国(共)政府当局曾经为了消灭西藏人民身为宗教的族群而在西藏犯下大屠杀的罪行,而这种行为独立於任何条约或公约规范的义务之外。委员会并未发现足够的证据佐证西藏人民以身为种族、国家,或者道德群体而被集体屠杀。相关证据确立和大屠杀有关的四项主要事实:
(a)中共不可能允许西藏人民坚持并信守佛教信仰;
(b)中共有系统铲除西藏的宗教人物,因为,他们的宗教信仰和修持足以对其他西藏人民形成鼓舞和示范作用;
(c)在落实这项计划时,中共不惜杀害若干西藏的宗教人物,因为,他们的宗教信仰和修持足以对其他西藏人民形成鼓舞和示范作用;
(d)中共曾经强迫大量西藏儿童转往中国的物质环境下生活,以防止他们在宗教信仰浓厚的环境下成长。委员会因此发现,中共曾经以此等方法对这个宗教群体犯下大屠杀的罪行。

人 权

委员会检视联合国大会颁布之「世界人权宣言」架构下,与人权状况有关的证据。
在斟酌人权问题时,委员会认为,经济与社会权利也是人权的一环,一如公民自由权。他们发现,西藏的中共当局侵犯这两种人权。委员会的结论是,西藏的中共当局已经侵犯以下几种人权;
委员会认为,这些人权指标均是文明国家共认的行为标准:
第三条:中共当局以谋杀、强暴、强制下狱等手段侵犯西藏人民的生命、自由、人身安全等权利。
第五条:中共当局对西藏人民犯下大规模的凌虐,以及残暴、不人道而可耻的行为。
第九条:中共当局曾经强制拘禁西藏人民。
第十二条:中共当局强制拆散西藏人民的家庭,并灌输西藏儿童对父母的仇恨,以致持续侵犯西藏人民的隐私权和家庭生活权。西藏儿童从襁褓时期起,就被中共当局强行带离父母的身边。
第十三条:中共当局大规模放逐西藏人民,剥夺西藏人民在西藏境内迁徙的自由。
第十六条:中共当局迫令西藏僧尼还俗,违反婚姻自由的精神。
第十七条:中共当局没收并强制徵收私人财产,不对西藏人民提供公正的补偿,侵犯西藏人民不被强制剥夺财产的权利。
第十八条:中共当局透过对西藏佛教徒进行大屠杀,以及其他旨在铲除西藏宗教信仰的行动,剥夺西藏人民的思想、良心、宗教的自由。
第十九条:中共当局大肆摧毁西藏经典,囚禁西藏人民,并对勇於批评的西藏人民施以严厉惩罚,侵犯西藏人民的言论自由权。
第廿条:中共当局动辄镇压并禁止西藏人民的集会活动,侵犯西藏人民集会结社的自由。
第廿一条:中国共产党剥夺西藏人民成立民主政府的权利。
第廿二条:中共当局剥夺西藏人民维持尊严、追求自由发展,以及维护个人人格所不可或缺的经济、社会,以及文化的权利。中共为了满足自己的需求而开发西藏的经济资源,社会变革违反大多数西藏人民的利益,同时大肆攻击包括西藏宗教在内的西藏古老文化,企图予以铲除。
第廿四条:中共当局以恶劣的条件剥削西藏人民的劳力,侵犯西藏人民在合理条件下劳动的权利。
第廿五条:中共当局为了满足西藏境内汉人屯垦区的需求而多方利用西藏的经济,剥夺西藏人民享有合理生活的权利。
第廿六条:中共当局强制西藏学子接受共产教条的灌输式教育,有时候是在强制放逐後为之,侵犯西藏人民接受自由教育的权利。
第廿七条:中共当局致力摧毁西藏的固有文化,而且不允许西藏人民参与族群的文化生活。中共当局称,在中共入藏之前,西藏人民从未享有任何人权,这种说法经证明根本不实。
中共当局并称,西藏「叛乱份子」曾经犯下强暴、掠夺、凌虐等罪行,这种说法经证明是刻意编造,以某些案例而言根本不值得相信。

西藏的地位

委员会认为,当有关方面於一九五一年签署「西藏和平措施协议」时,西藏至少就已经是一个事实上的独立国家,而西藏政府一九五九年废止这项协议的作法在法理上也完全站得住脚。在检视相关证据时,委员会斟酌熟知西藏近代历史之官员及学者们的第一手权威叙述,以及已经刊行的官方文件。这些叙述和文件显示,在一九一三年到一九五○年之间,西藏表现出国际法架构下足堪称为一个国家所应具备的各项条件。一九五○年,西藏地域之内的一群人拥有一个运作如恒,可以不受外力控制,独自处理内部事务的政府。在一九一三年到一九五○年之间,西藏的对外关系完全由西藏政府独自处理,而官方文件也足以证明,与西藏维持外交关系的各国实际上也将西藏视为一个独立国家。
一九五一年,西藏签署「和平解放西藏措施协议」,从此放弃他的独立地位。根据这项协议,中华人民共和国的中央人民政府必须采取多项措施,包括:允诺保留西藏既有的政治制度,保留达赖和班禅喇嘛的地位和职能,保护宗教自由和喇嘛寺,以及在对待有关西藏的各项改革措施时,避免采取强迫行动。委员会发现,中华人民共和国并未履行这些承诺,因此,西藏政府有权於一九五九年三月十一日废止该项协议。
至於西藏地位的问题,以往的调查仅限於斟酌西藏问题是否属於中华人民共和国的内政问题。委员会认为,他应该单独考量这个问题,因此不必对西藏的精确法律地位进行现代国际法架构下的确定性份析。委员会不考虑一九五○年的西藏究竟是事实或者法律独立国家的问题,而且很满意的指出,西藏的地位足以使西藏问题成为联合国即使从严解释一个国家的「内政事务」的定义时,合理关切的一个重点问题。
[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-05 01:33 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料
チベット平和解放に関する協約(十七か条協定)
「中央人民政府和西蔵地方政府関於和平解放西蔵辨法的協議」(和訳)
http://www.interq.or.jp/neptune/amba-omo/17agr-j.html


底本
著者:ダライ・ラマ
書名:チベットわが祖国
出版:亜細亜大学アジア研究所(1986)
掲載:pp.307-310(上記書の付録)
翻訳:木村肥佐生

チベット平和解放に関する協約(十七か条協定)── 一九五一年五月二十三日
「中央人民政府和西蔵地方政府関於和平解放西蔵辨法的協議」
(「新華月報」第四巻第二期、二七一-二七二ページ)


 チベット民族は中国領土内において悠久の歴史をもつ民族の一つであり、その他多くの民族と同じく、偉大な祖国の創造と発展の過程において、自己の光栄ある責任を果たしてきた。しかし最近、百余年来、帝国主義は中国に侵入した。したがって、彼らはまたチベット地区にも侵入し、各種の欺瞞と挑発を進めた。国民党反動政府はチベット民族に対し、それ以前の反動政府と同様、引き続きその民族的圧迫と民族離間の政策を採り、それによってチベット民族の内部に分裂と不団結を生ぜしめた。そしてチベット地方政府は帝国主義の欺瞞と挑発に反対せず、偉大な祖国に対して、非愛国主義的な態度をとった。これらの状況はチベット民族とチベット人民を奴隷化と苦痛の探淵に落とし入れていた。一九四九年、中国人民解放戦争は全国的範囲で基本的勝利をかちとり、各民族共同の内部の敵、国民党反動政府を打倒し、各民族共同の外部の敵──帝国主義侵略勢力を駆逐した。この基礎の上に、中華人民共和国と中央人民政府が成立を宣言した。中央人民政府は、中国人民政治協商会議が通過させた共同綱額に基づき、中華人民共和国領土内の各民族が一律に平等であり、団結して相互援助を行い、帝国主義と各民族内部の人民の共同の敵に反対し、中華人民共和国を各民族が友愛によって合作する大家庭とすることを宣言した。中華人民共和国各民族の大家族においては、各少数民族の集居する地区で民族の区域自治が実行され、各少数民族が等しくその自己の言語文字を発展させ、その風俗習慣および宗教信仰を保持あるいは改革する自由を持った。中央人民政府は、各少数民族がその政治・経済および文化・教育を発展させる建設事業を援助した。これ以後、国内各民族は、チベットおよび台湾区域をのぞいていずれもすでに解放をかちとった。中央人民政府の統一的指導のもと、各少数民族はいずれもすでに民族平等の権利を充分に享受し、かつすでに民族の地方的自治を実行し、あるいはまさに実行しつつある。帝国主義侵略勢力のチベットにおける影響を順調に一掃して、中華人民共和国の領土と主権の統一を完成し、国防を維持し、チベット民族とチベット人民に解放をかちとらせ、中華人民共和国の大家庭に戻らせて、国内のその他の各民族と同じく、民族平等の権利を享受させ、その政治・経済・文化教育の事業を発展させるため、中央人民政府は人民解放軍にチベット進軍を命令した際、チベット地方政府に、代表を中央に派遣して交渉を行い、チベット平和解放の方法に関する協約の締結を便利ならしめるようにと通知した。一九五一年四月下旬、チベット地方政府の全権代表は北京に到着した。中央人民政府は直ちに全権代表を指名し、チベット地方政府の全権代表と友好的基礎のうえに交渉を行った。交渉の結果、双方は本協約を成立させることに同意し、かつこれを実行に移すことを保証した。

第 一 条
チベット人民は団結して、帝国主義侵略勢力をチベットから駆逐し、チベット人民は中華人民共和国の祖国の大家族の中に戻る。

第 二 条
チベット地方政府は、人民解放軍がチベットに進駐して、国防を強化することに積極的に協力援助する。

第 三 条
中国人民政治協商会議共同綱額の民族政策に基づき、中央人民政府の統一的指導のもと、チベット人民は民族区域自治を実行する権利を有する。

第 四 条
チベットの現行政治制度に対しては、中央は変更を加えない。ダライ・ラマの固有の地位および職権にも中央は変更を加えない。各級官吏は従来どおりの職に就く。

第 五 条
パンチェン・エルデニの固有の地位および職権は維持されるべきである。

第 六 条
ダライ・ラマ、およびパンチェン・エルデニの固有の地位および職権とは、十三世ダライ・ラマおよび九世パンチェン・エルデニが互いに友好関係にあった時期の地位および職権を指す。

第 七 条
中国人民政治協商会議共同綱領が規定する宗教信仰自由の政策を実行し、チベット人民の宗教信仰と風俗習慣を尊重し、ラマ寺廟を保護する。寺廟の収入には中央は変更を加えない。

第 八 条
チベット軍は逐次人民解放軍に改編し、中華人民共和国国防武装兵力の一部とする。

第 九 条
チベットの実際状況に基づき、チベット民族の言語、文字およぴ学校教育を逐次発展させる。

第 十 条
チベットの実際状況に基づき、チベットの農・牧畜・商工業を逐次発展させ、人民の生活を改善する。

第 十 一 条
チベットに関する各種の改革は、中央は強制しない。チベット地方政府はみずから進んで改革を進め、人民が改革の要求を提出した場合、チベットの指導者と協議する方法によってこれを解決する。

第 十 二 条
過去において帝国主義と親しかった官吏および国民党と親しかった官吏は、帝国主義および国民党との関係を断固離脱し、破壊と反抗を行わない限り、そのまま職にあってよく、過去は問わない。

第 十 三 条
チベットに進駐する人民解放軍は、前記各項の政策を遵守する。同時に取引きは公正にし、人民の針二今糸一本といえども取らない。

第 十 四 条
中央人民政府は、チベット地区のいっさいの渉外事項を統一して処理し、かつ平等、互恵、およぴ領土主権の相互尊重という基礎の上に隣邦と平和な関係を保ち、公平な通商貿易関係を樹立発展させる。

第 十 五 条
本協約の施行を保証するため、中央人民政府はチベットに軍政委員会および軍区司令部を設立する。中央人民政府が派遣する人員以外に、できるだけチベット地方の人員を吸収して工作に参加させる。
軍政委員会に参加するチベット地方の人員には、チベット地方政府および各地区・各主要寺廟の愛国分子を含むことができ、中央人民政府が指定する代表と関係各方面が協議して名簿を提出し、中央人民政府に任命を申請する。

第 十 六 条
軍政委員会、軍区司令部、およびチベット進駐人民解放軍の所要経費は、中央人民政府が支給する。チベット人民政府は、人民解放軍の食糧およびその他、日用品の購買と運輸に協力するものとする。

第 十 七 条
本協約は署名捺印ののち、直ちに効力を発する。



中央人民政府全権代表   主席代表  李 維 漢(署名捺印)
代表  張 経 武(署名捺印)
張 国 華(署名捺印)
孫 志 遠(署名捺印)


アボ アワンジグメ      
チベット地方政府全権代表 首席代表  阿沛・阿旺晋美(署名捺印)
ケメイ ソナムワンデイ    
代表  凱墨・索安旺堆(署名捺印)
トゥプテン タンダル    
土丹・旦達(署名捺印)
トゥプテン  レタムン   
土登・列門(署名捺印)
サンポ テンゼントンドプ    
桑頗・登増頓珠(署名捺印)


一九五一年五月二十三日 北京にて


━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━

中央人民政府和西藏地方政府关于和平解放西藏办法的协议
http://news.xinhuanet.com/ziliao/2004-12/16/content_2342421.htm


(一九五一年五月二十三日)
西藏民族是中国境内具有悠久历史的民族之一,与其他许多民族一样,在伟大祖国的创造与发展过程中,尽了自己的光荣的责任。但在近百余年来,帝国主义势力侵入了中国,因此也就侵入了西藏地区,并进行了各种的欺骗和挑拨。国民党反动政府对于西藏民族,则和以前的反动政府一样,继续行使其民族压迫和民族离间的政策,致使西藏民族内部发生了分裂和不团结。而西藏地方政府对于帝国主义的欺骗和挑拨没有加以反对,对伟大的祖国采取了非爱国主义的态度。这些情况使西藏民族和西藏人民陷于奴役和痛苦的深渊。一九四九年中国人民解放战争在全国范围内取得了基本的胜利,打倒了各民族的共同的内部敌人棗国民党反动政府,驱逐了各民族的共同的外部敌人棗帝国主义侵略势力。在此基础之上,中华人民共和国和中央人民政府宣布成立。中央人民政府依据中国人民政治协商会议通过的共同纲领,宣布中华人民共和国境内各民族一律平等,实行团结互助,反对帝国主义和各民族内部的人民公敌,使中华人民共和国成为各民族友爱合作的大家庭。在中华人民共和国各民族的大家庭之内,各少数民族聚居的地区实行民族的区域自治,各少数民族均有发展其自己的语言文字,保持或改革其风俗习惯及宗教信仰的自由,中央人民政府则帮助各少数民族发展其政治、经济和文化教育的建设事业。自此以后,国内各民族除西藏及台湾区域外,均已获得解放。在中央人民政府统一领导和各上级人民政府直接领导之下,各少数民族均已充分享受民族平等的权利,并已经实行或正在实行民族的区域自治。为了顺利地清除帝国主义侵略势力在西藏的影响,完成中华人民共和国领土和主权的统一,保卫国防,使西藏民族和西藏人民获得解放,回到中华人民共和国大家庭中来,与国内其他各民族享受同样的民族平等的权利,发展其政治、经济、文化教育事业,中央人民政府于命令人民解放军进军西藏之际,通知西藏地方政府派遣代表来中央举行谈判,以便订立和平解放西藏办法的协议。一九五一年四月下旬西藏地方政府的全权代表到达北京。中央人民政府当即指派全权代表和西藏地方政府的全权代表于友好的基础上举行了谈判。谈判结果,双方同意成立本协议,并保证其付诸实行。

一、西藏人民团结起来,驱逐帝国主义侵略势力出西藏,西望人民回到中华人民共和国祖国大家庭中来。

二、西藏地方政府积极协助人民解放军进入西藏,巩固国防。

三、根据中国人民政治协商会议共同纲领的民族政策,在中央人民政府统一领导之下,西藏人民有实行民族区域自治的权利。

四、对于西藏的现行政治制度,中央不予变更。达赖喇嘛的固有地位及职权,中央亦不予变更。各级官员照常供职。

五、班禅额尔德尼的固有地位及职权,应予维持。

六、达赖喇嘛和班禅额尔德尼的固有地位及职权,系指十三世达赖喇嘛与九世班禅额尔德尼彼此和好相处时的地位及职权。

七、实行中国人民政治协商会议共同纲领规定的宗教信仰自由的政策,尊重西藏人民的宗教信仰和风俗习惯,保护喇嘛寺庙。寺庙的收入,中央不予变更。

八、西藏军队逐步改编为人民解放军,成为中华人民共和国国防武装的一部分。

九、依据西藏的实际情况,逐步发展西藏民族的语言、文字和学校教育。

十、依据西藏的实际情况,逐步发展西藏的农牧工商业,改善人民生活。

十一、有关西藏的各顶改行事宜,中央不加强迫。西藏地方政府应自动进行改革,人民提出改革要求时,得采取与西藏领导人员协商的方法解决之。

十二、过去亲帝国主义和亲国民党的官员,只要坚决脱离与帝国主义和国民党的关系,不进行破坏和反抗,仍可继续供职,不究既往。

十三、进入西藏的人民解放军遵守上列各项政策,同时买卖公平,不妄取人民一针一线。

十四、中央人民政府统一处理西藏地区的一切涉外事宜,并在平等、互利和互相尊重领土主权的基础上,与邻邦和平相处,建立和发展公平的通商贸易关系。

十五、为保证本协议之执行,中央人民政府在西藏设立军政委员会和军区司令部,除中央人民政府派去的人员外,尽量吸收西藏地方人员参加工作。

参加军政委员会的西藏地方人员,得包括西藏地方政府及各地区、各主要寺庙的爱国分子,由中央人民政府指定的代表与有关各方面协商提出名单,报请中央人民政府任命。

十六、军政委员会、军区司令部及入藏人民解放军所需经费,由中央人民政府供给。西藏地方政府应协助人民解放军购买和运输粮秣及其他日用品。

十七、本协议于签字盖章后立即生效。

中央人民政府全权代表

首席代表

李 维 汉

(签字盖章)

代表

张 经 武

(签字盖章)

张 国 华

(签字盖章)

孙 志 远

(签字盖章)

西藏地方政府全权代表

首席代表

阿沛·阿旺晋美

(签字盖章)

代表

凯墨·索安旺堆

(签字盖章)

土丹旦达

(签字盖章)

土登列门

(签字盖章〉

桑颇·登增顿珠

(签字盖章)

一九五一年五月二十三日于北京

根据一九五一年五月二十八日《人民日报》刊印


[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-03 18:27 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料
文化大革命下のチベット2
拙ブログより 「文化大革命下のチベット」

杀劫--文革在西藏
http://gangjanba.middle-way.net/picture/2007/0413/picture_30.html

ココで36枚の写真を見ることができます


乞食が高僧を、子が親を批判・糾弾する文化大革命下のチベット
生徒が教師を、労働者が資本家を、白痴がインテリをつるし上げた中共の犯罪が他民族の国でもくりかえされた
e0113320_1704091.jpg
e0113320_171495.jpg

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-03 17:01 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料