<   2008年 05月 ( 31 )   > この月の画像一覧
米上院:ウイグルの言語・文化・宗教への弾圧に対する非難決議案
http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c110:sr574:
http://www.govtrack.us/congress/billtext.xpd?bill=sr110-574
http://www.govtrack.us/data/us/bills.text/110/sr/sr574.pdf


Expressing the sense of the Senate that the Government of the People's Republic of China should immediately release from custody the children of Rebiya Kadeer and Canadian citizen Huseyin...
(Introduced in Senate)


SRES 574 IS

110th CONGRESS

2d Session

S. RES. 574


Expressing the sense of the Senate that the Government of the People's Republic of China should immediately release from custody the children of Rebiya Kadeer and Canadian citizen Huseyin Celil and should refrain from further engaging in acts of cultural, linguistic, and religious suppression directed against the Uyghur people.



IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES

May 22, 2008



Mr. BROWN submitted the following resolution;
which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations

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RESOLUTION


Expressing the sense of the Senate that the Government of the People's Republic of China should immediately release from custody the children of Rebiya Kadeer and Canadian citizen Huseyin Celil and should refrain from further engaging in acts of cultural, linguistic, and religious suppression directed against the Uyghur people.

Whereas the protection of the human rights of minority groups is consistent with the actions of a responsible stakeholder in the international community and with the role of a host of a major international event such as the Olympic Games;

Whereas recent actions taken against the Uyghur minority by authorities in the People's Republic of China and, specifically, by local officials in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, have included major violations of human rights and acts of cultural suppression;

Whereas the authorities of the People's Republic of China have manipulated the strategic objectives of the international war on terror to increase their cultural and religious oppression of the Muslim population residing in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region;

Whereas an official campaign to encourage Han Chinese migration into the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region has resulted in the Uyghur population becoming a minority in their traditional homeland and has placed immense pressure on those who are seeking to preserve the linguistic, cultural, and religious traditions of the Uyghur people;

Whereas a new policy now actively recruits young Uyghur women and forcibly transfers them to work at factories in urban areas in far-off eastern provinces, resulting in tens of thousands of Uyghur women being separated from their families and placed into substandard working conditions thousands of miles from their homes;

Whereas the legal system of the People's Republic of China is used as a tool of repression, including for the imposition of arbitrary detentions and torture commonly employed against any and all Uyghurs who voice discontent with the Government;

Whereas the Government of the People's Republic of China continues to apply charges of `political crimes' and the death penalty to Uyghurs and other political dissidents, contrary to international humanitarian standards;

Whereas the People's Republic of China is implementing a monolingual Chinese language education system that undermines the linguistic basis of Uyghur culture by transitioning minority students from education in their mother tongue to education in Chinese, shifting dramatically away from past policies that provided choice for the Uyghur people;

Whereas the Senate has a particular interest in the fate of Uyghur human rights leader Rebiya Kadeer, a Nobel Peace Prize nominee, and her family, as Ms. Kadeer was first arrested in August 1999 while she was en route to meet with a delegation from the Congressional Research Service and was held in prison on spurious charges until her release and exile to the United States in the spring of 2005;

Whereas upon her release, Rebiya Kadeer was warned by her Chinese jailers not to advocate for human rights in Xinjiang and throughout China while in the United States or elsewhere, and was reminded that she had several family members residing in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region;

Whereas while residing in the United States, Rebiya Kadeer founded the International Uyghur Human Rights and Democracy Foundation and was elected President of the Uyghur American Association and President of the World Uyghur Congress in Munich, Germany;

Whereas 2 of Rebiya Kadeer's sons were detained and beaten and one of her daughters was placed under house arrest in June 2006;

Whereas President George W. Bush recognized the importance of Rebiya Kadeer's human rights work in a June 5, 2007, speech in Prague, Czech Republic, when he stated: `Another dissident I will meet here is Rebiyah Kadeer of China, whose sons have been jailed in what we believe is an act of retaliation for her human rights activities. The talent of men and women like Rebiyah is the greatest resource of their nations, far more valuable than the weapons of their army or their oil under the ground.';

Whereas Kahar Abdureyim, Rebiya Kadeer's eldest son, was fined $12,500 for tax evasion and another son, Alim Abdureyim, was sentenced to 7 years in prison and fined $62,500 for tax evasion in a blatant attempt by local authorities to take control of the Kadeer family's remaining business assets in the People's Republic of China;

Whereas another of Rebiya Kadeer's sons, Ablikim Abdureyim, was beaten by local police to the point of requiring medical attention in June 2006 and has been subjected to continued physical abuse and torture while being held incommunicado in custody since that time;

Whereas Ablikim Abdureyim was also convicted by a kangaroo court on April 17, 2007, for `instigating and engaging in secessionist' activities and was sentenced to 9 years of imprisonment, this trial being held in secrecy and Mr. Abdureyim reportedly being denied the right to legal representation;

Whereas 2 days later, on April 19, 2007, another court in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, sentenced Canadian citizen Huseyin Celil to life in prison for `splittism' and also for `being party to a terrorist organization' after having successfully sought his extradition from Uzbekistan where he was visiting relatives;

Whereas authorities in the People's Republic of China have continued to refuse to recognize Huseyin Celil's Canadian citizenship, although he was naturalized in 2005, denied Canadian diplomats access to the courtroom when Mr. Celil was sentenced, and have refused to grant consular access to Mr. Celil in prison;

Whereas a spokesperson of the Foreign Ministry of the People's Republic of China publicly warned Canada `not to interfere in China's domestic affairs' after Huseyin Celil's sentencing;

Whereas Huseyin Celil's case was a major topic of conversation in a recent Beijing meeting between the Foreign Ministers of Canada and the People's Republic of China; and

Whereas there have been recent armed crackdowns throughout the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region against the Uyghur population: Now, therefore, be it


Resolved, That it is the sense of the Senate that the Government of the People's Republic of China--

(1) should recognize, and seek to ensure, the linguistic, cultural, and religious rights of the Uyghur people of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region;

(2) should immediately release the children of Rebiya Kadeer from both incarceration and house arrest and cease harassment and intimidation of the Kadeer family members;

(3) should immediately release Canadian citizen Huseyin Celil and allow him to rejoin his family in Canada; and

(4) should immediately cease all Government-sponsored violence and crackdowns against the people throughout the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, including those involved in peaceful protests and political expression.

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-31 15:07 | 東突厥斯坦/"新疆"ウイグル
「自衛隊機派遣」に対する中国ネチズンの反応
中国の掲示板から翻訳しやすい部分、面白い部分だけ翻訳します
中国側が要請したのか否かが争点になっている部分は翻訳がメンドウで割愛しました
e0113320_0341132.jpg

环球网 ->>军事 ->>军事热点
日本决定派自卫队C130运输机向中国运救灾物资
http://mil.huanqiu.com/hot/2008-05/127203.html

图谋什么大家都很清楚
なにを企んでいるのかみんなお見通しだ

坚决反对他们的军机进入中国领空!
軍用機が中国の領空に侵入するなんて絶対に反対

为什么要用军机,难道日本没有民用机,中国也没有民用机?????
なんで軍用機が必要なんだ? 日本には民間機がないって言うのか? 中国にも“民間”機はないけど????

脑残的政府!!!!!
ノータリン政府!!

请不要曲解日本人的好意!他们是来救灾的,不是来探军情的!再说,是我们请求的!
中日能够友好,那不只是中日两国人民之福,还对世界和平有深渊意义!
日本人の行為を曲解するな!救援に来るのであって偵察ではない!しかもこっちが要請してるんだ!
日本とは仲良くやれる。日中両国だけでなく世界平和のためにも意義深いことだ!


首先表示感谢,但
坚决反对他们的军机进入中国领空!
まず感謝の意を表します。
でも、軍用機が中国の領空に侵入するなんて絶対に反対


日本人别有用心。心术不正,不欢迎!!坚决反对!!!
下心があるに違いない。心がけの悪いヤツは来なくて結構!絶対反対!!

中国的军舰不是也到拉日本的港口.大家不要以意识形态来看问题....
当然历史我们不要忘记,但也不要老是记住仇恨.和平是永恒的主题....
中国の軍艦だって日本に寄港したことあるだろ。みんな意識しすぎ....
当然歴史は忘れてはいけないが、いつまで恨んでもしかたない。平和こそが永遠のテーマ....


中国又在做‘中日友好’的白日梦了!!!
中国はまたしても「中日友好」なんて寝言を言ってる!!

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もういっちょ

红网论坛 >> 城市论坛 >> 三湘四水 >> 查看帖子
日本决定派自卫队运输机向中国运救灾物资(倭寇YY了)
http://bbs.rednet.cn/a/a.asp?B=81&ID=12339428

(このスレッドにはいきなり以下のような「抵制日货 / 日貨排斥」を訴える画像が)
e0113320_1182911.jpg
中国政府真的会为了一两千个帐篷叫日本军队再次踏上华夏大地吗?
中国人民愿意吗?日本民用飞机没有吗?我看纯粹是倭寇YY了。
中国政府は本当に千二千のテントのために日本軍の再上陸を許すのか?
中国人民は望んでいるのか?日本に民間機はないのか?これは全くの倭寇の××だ。


人家来救灾得,此一时,铍一时!
这么敏感干嘛?
人道主义第一!
彼らは救援に来るんだ。 あの時はあの時、今は今!
そんなに敏感になってどうする?
人道第一!


根本就没有考虑到我们国民的感受
我々国民の感情などちっとも考えちゃいない

美国的赈灾物资也是美军运过来的,没有必要这么紧张
アメリカの救援物資だって軍用機でやってきたんだ↓。そんなに頑なになることじゃない
e0113320_1394215.jpg
e0113320_140822.jpg

中国海军今年访问了日本,他们肯定是要回访的,列位怎么看?
还有就是国内的许多军事演习,都邀请外国武官观摩,这其中也有日本人。
中国の海軍は今年日本を訪問した。日本だって来てもいいだろ。みんなどう思う?
国内の軍事演習を外国の武官が見学することだってある。その中には日本人だっているんだ。


自慰队没有出国的权利和义务,这就是战败国该付出的代价。
现在倭寇想把自慰队改成军队,来访我国就是其舆论突破口。
自慰隊(自衛隊と同音)には出国の権利も義務もない。それは敗戦国が支払う代価だ。
倭寇は自慰隊を軍隊に改変しようとしてるんだ。来中は世論の突破口。


说实在的,我可以接受任何国家的军机,就是不能接受日本的军机!
そのとおり。どの国の軍用機も受け入れられるが、日本のはダメ。

(スレッドをつくったヒトのキチガイじみた発言をその他の参加者がなだめている)

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中国民间保钓联合会 » 中日关系研究
非常严重的危险——关于请日本派自卫队军机救援
http://www.cfdd.org.cn/bbs/thread-54738-1-1.html

此次救灾也暴露了我们军队装备有待更新,尤其是大型运输机等设备.
今回の震災で中国軍の装備の更新の必要性が露呈した。とくに大型輸送機。

中国注意了,这个帖子应该在人民网上发表,那样的话更有震撼力,更具有实际的效力
このスレッドは人民網に発表されるだろうから影響力も大きいかも。

C130的运量是普通客机的几倍,本来是帮着救灾,使的灾民在最短时间内得到帐篷。
现在竟然被无知的国内愤青弄的搞的象来我国破坏一样。愤青误国啊!这话一点不假。
最后谈几点:
1、这次日本救援队和医疗队来华已经很大程度缓解了中日之间民间不信任的气氛。
那些希望中日闹下去的人应该已经很失望了。
2、钓鱼岛不清楚,但是东海问题早晚会达成协议的,协议的中心肯定也是搁置争议,共同开发。
3、所谓窥探机密,美国的C130飞机来过N次了,要窥探早就窥探了。
4、中国的愤青,典型的极度自卑导致极度自尊。
C130の搭載量は民間機の数倍で救援に役だっている。最短時間でテントを届けられる。
憤青の無知な発言は我が国を破壊するのとおなじ。憤青は国を誤るな。
最後に言っておく;
1.今回の救援隊と医療隊の来中は中日の民間の不信感を大いに和らげた
2.釣魚島(尖閣)はともかく、東シナ海に関しては争議の棚上げと共同開発と協議されている
3.(日本の目的が)偵察って言うけど、米国のC130機は何度も来てるんだから、その気ならもう偵察済み
4.憤青は卑屈の典型で極度にプライドが高い

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-31 02:30 | 社区论坛/BBS
ILHR : チベット人女性の人権状況
2001, International League of Human Rights

Integration of the Human Rights of Women and the Gender Perspective:
(a) Violence Against Women:

A written intervention submitted by the International League for Human Rights,
a non-governmental organization in special consultative status


http://www.ilhr.org/ilhr/regional/tibet/womenrights.html

Mr. Chairman:

1. Five years ago, the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action affirmed that "[w]omen's rights are human rights" (paragraph 14). Nonetheless, in many societies, the traditional association of women with family issues-which are often considered matters of private, rather than public or international, concern-can obscure certain widespread violations of women's human rights. Consequently, some forms of gender-based violence are more visible than others. In recent years, for example, the International Criminal Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda have uncovered evidence of systematic rapes and other forms of sexual violence perpetrated by Serb and Hutu militias during campaigns of ethnic cleansing and genocide. In the aftermath of decisions like Akayesu, ICTR-96-4-T (Sept. 2, 1998), it has become disturbingly clear that a pattern of acts of violence against women can be symptomatic of other large-scale human rights violations directed against an ethnic population, including crimes against humanity and genocide.

2. Outside of the context of armed conflict, however, systematic and discriminatory acts of violence against women may be more difficult to discern. For this reason, we call the Commission's attention to the pattern of gender-based violence that Tibetan women suffer at the hands of Chinese government officials. This pattern includes forced or coerced sterilizations and abortions, as well as rape and other sexual torture perpetrated against Tibetan women, primarily nuns, as punishment for non-violent political protest. Moreover, these acts take place within the context of a broad and ongoing pattern of human rights violations against the Tibetan people, whose foundational right to self-determination has been denied for the past fifty years, as recognized by General Assembly Resolution 1723 (XVI) (1961) and reaffirmed by Resolution 2079 (XX) (1965). Women's rights violations in Tibet, including both reproductive rights violations and acts of sexual violence, reflect and in many ways originate in the failure of China's authorities to permit Tibetans to exercise their right to self-determination. Here, as in the more overt cases in Bosnia and Rwanda, patterns of sexual violence also evince a discriminatory motive.

3. Coerced abortions and sterilizations, as well as intrusive monitoring of women's reproductive cycles, constitute acts of discrimination that violate Articles 1 and 2 of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Article 16(e) of CEDAW specifically guarantees women the rights "to decide freely and responsibly on the number and spacing of their children and to have access to the . . . means to enable them to exercise these rights." At the Fourth World Conference on Women, the participating governments, including China, recognized and reaffirmed "the right of all women to control all aspects of their health, in particular their own fertility" (Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action, para. 17). To this end, governments agreed to "[e]nsure that all health services and workers conform to human rights and to ethical, professional and gender-sensitive standards in the delivery of women's health services aimed at ensuring responsible, voluntary and informed consent" and to "eliminate harmful, medically unnecessary or coercive medical interventions" (paras. 107(g)-(h)). China's 1995 White Paper, "The Progress of Human Rights in China," however, says only that the state respects a woman's "right" to "family planning" and her "freedom to choose not to give birth."

4. Tibetan women continue to face a systematic policy of medically unnecessary, highly coercive, and often harmful sterilizations and forced abortions, ostensibly justified by China's nationwide population control policies. Ordinarily, the government adheres to a "one family - one child" policy as a means to control China's overpopulation problems. But this policy, at least in theory, applies solely to nationalities whose populations exceed ten million. Only about six million Tibetans live in Tibet. More critically, Tibet has no population problem, and it never has. In fact, prior to 1950, about six million Tibetans lived in Tibet, a region roughly the size of Western Europe. Even today, in the "Tibet Autonomous Region," which covers about forty percent of the region traditionally called Tibet, fewer than 1.6 persons inhabit each square kilometre. Tibet remains one of the least populated regions in the world. There is absolutely no justification for China to apply its "family planning" policies in Tibet.

5. Indeed, if the true reason that China forcibly limits Tibetan women's reproductive rights is the government's legitimate concern about Tibet's population density, then it is difficult to understand why China continues to encourage the resettlement of tremendous numbers of ethnic Chinese in Tibet. The pattern of coercive sterlizations and abortions performed on Tibetan women, absent any real justification, constitutes measures imposed to prevent births within the Tibetan national, ethnic, racial and religious group. This suggests an intent to destroy the Tibetan people, in whole or in part, which is a clear violation of China's international obligations under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

6. Reports indicate that Tibetan women suffer forced sterilizations and late-term abortions at the hands of state healthcare workers. According to the Tibet Information Network (TIN), "a considerable element of coercion is applied to women, particularly in rural areas, through the mechanisms of fines and administrative structures introduced by these officials" ("Increased Restrictions on Birth of Children in Tibet," Feb. 9, 2000). For example, a 61-year-old Tibetan reported that poor women from his village, regardless of the size of their families, were summoned by Chinese authorities to undergo birth control measures. If they refused, the authorities fined them 1000 yuan, approximately two-thirds of the per capita net annual income for the farmers and herders who comprise 85% of the Tibet Autonomous Region's Tibetan population. TIN's source noted that "none of the women could dare refuse," and they were given the choice of "being inserted with loops [IUD], sterilisation, or injection." Tibetans who objected to these procedures-either because of their Tibetan Buddhist religious beliefs or their practical need, as subsistence farmers, for more children to help them survive-were reprimanded for "expressing such discontent" and told they were "defying the policy of the Chinese government," charges that "can lead to severe repercussions."

7. "Racial Discrimination in Tibet," a recent study by the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD), confirms that "sterilisation and forced abortions" have become routine in Tibet. For instance, in the Kanze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (a region of the Tibetan province of Kham), one Tibetan described how Chinese authorities visit his village regularly to enforce the birth control policy: "[A]ll the other women in the village who had two children already were ordered to undergo sterilisation regardless of their age or physical condition. They were treated like animals, and given very poor operations. One woman . . . died seven days after she was sterilised." Tibetan sources also told TIN researchers that Chinese authorities in the Kanze were intensifying birth control to enforce a strict "two child" policy for Tibetan farmers and herders-even though Kanze's population growth is about one-half that of China as a whole, and its population density is similarly sparse. ("New Birth Control Policies to 'Help Families Become Richer,'" Feb. 9, 2000)

8. Another Tibetan woman, from the Tsolho Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Qinghai Province, was threatened with severe consequences if she refused to abort her second child: "No words have the power to express the excruciating pain I experienced during the operation," she told TCHRD. "Over 85% of the women worker[s] have to undergo the same torture and excruciating pain." As her testimony suggests, Tibetan women are subjected to forced, and often late-term (as late as the 7th or 8th month of pregnancy), abortions. These cause them severe pain and are not always performed by experienced healthcare workers or under sanitary conditions. If the women refuse to submit to these procedures, however, their "unauthorized" children are denied education, medical care, ration cards and other state benefits that they would ordinarily receive. Moreover, some reports indicate that Tibetan women have been brought to medical clinics on various pretexts unrelated to their pregnancies and then, without their knowledge or consent, given injections that induce abortions.

9. Tibetan women also face a systematic pattern of gender-based violence for non-violent expressions of their political opinions. According to "Hostile Elements" (1999), a recent report by TIN, about one out of every twenty Tibetan women imprisoned for non-violent political expression die as a result of violence, torture, and other maltreatment. In June 1998, according to another TIN report ("Rukhag 3: The Nuns of Drapchi Prison" (2000)), five Tibetan nuns who had been detained for political protests in the late 1980s and early 1990s reportedly committed suicide after suffering five weeks of severe maltreatment. Security personnel, acting under official orders, had beat the nuns and subjected them to electric shocks with cattle prods: "Electric batons are utilised . . . to torture those under restraint. Sense organs, such as tongue and ears, body cavities and sexual areas, especially on females, have been routine points of application for electric shocks." In 1999, TCHRD likewise reported that Tibetan women detained for political expression are subject to sexual torture, including "assaults with sticks and electric cattle prods that are forcibly inserted into the vagina, anus and mouth."

10. Mr. Chairman, Article 1 of the 1993 Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women notes that "the term 'violence against women' means any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women," and Article 2(d) makes clear that this includes "physical, sexual and psychological violence perpetuated or condoned by the State." The evidence of gender-based violence in Tibet, including coerced abortions, forcible sterilizations, and acts of sexual torture, reveals a systematic pattern of violence against Tibetan women that is "perpetuated or condoned by the [Chinese] State." We therefore urge the Commission to adopt a resolution calling on the Chinese government to protect Tibetan women from this pattern of gender-based violence, to take prompt and effective measures to prevent the sexual torture and abuse of detained Tibetan women, and to cease the illegitimate policy and practice of forcibly sterilizing Tibetan women and aborting their children.

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-30 20:34 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料
西藏之頁 : 人權  (チベットの人権状況)
以事实证明西藏的真相
西藏流亡政府1993年
http://www.xizang-zhiye.org/b5/arch/books/zhen/index.html
http://gangjanba.googlepages.com/tibettruth1

前 言
一 、 西 藏 地 位
二 、 中 國 對 西 藏 的 入 侵 與 統 治
三 、 西 藏全 國 的 起 義
四 、 西 藏 過 去 的 社 會
五 、 人 權 ←今回はコレを抜粋
六 、 社 會 與 經 濟 狀 況 以 及 殖 民 主 義
七 、 宗 教 與 國 家 的 性 質
八 、 中 國 對 西 藏 人 口 的 控 制 和 對 西 藏 的 移 民
九 、 西 藏 的 環 境 狀 況
十 、 軍 事 基 地 與 地 區 和 平
十 一 、 尋 求 和 談 途 徑

http://www.xizang-zhiye.org/b5/arch/books/zhen/zhen5.html
http://gangjanba.googlepages.com/tibettruth5


概论

由于中国对西藏的侵略,造成了约一百二十万西藏人死于非命。至少在每家每户,几乎都有亲人被捕或杀死。阿沛 晋美指出:“公历一九五九年和一九六九年分别对西藏进行镇压时,几乎没有一户没有遭受过冲击的家庭。"由此揭穿了中国所谓将最黑暗、最野蛮、最残暴的旧西藏进行了民主改革的谎言。
历史上的西藏独立时期,西藏社会虽非人间天堂,但也不是如现在般令人恐怖的社会。例如:以前被称为两座最大监狱的是拉萨郎孜厦和雪监狱,各监狱关押的犯人最多时也不过三十余人。而中国侵入西藏後,却将西藏变成了监狱与劳该营遍布的世界。有时,在犯人过多而难于收拾时,为了管理的方便,有过成批枪杀犯人的事情。
所谓“ 中国解放西藏後,西藏人民享受著前所未有的幸福生活" 之说法,我们不妨分析一下看看究竟是不是那麽一回事。
从公历一九五九年到一九七九年间,中国对西藏的屠杀和破坏。 中文版《西藏自治区概况》一书第 565页,记述了从公元一九五零年十月一日到二十五日间,中国军队在西藏东部地区消灭五千七百余名西藏军队并俘获两千余人的情况。
另外,在许多书籍中对西藏人被集体屠杀和残酷折磨、炮击和轰炸寺庙村镇,毁坏草场等情况多有记载。例如:由国际法律专家协会于公历一九六零年写出的《中华人民共和国》一书中对上述情况做了一定程度的叙述。
在中国军队的机密文件《第十一师的总结》中记录了从公历一九五二年到一九五八年间,该师在安多甘南地区即平息叛乱九百九十六起,消灭一万余西藏人的情况。
安多果洛地区,公历一九五六年有人口十三万余。到公历一九六三年却反剩六万余人。(见《中国之春》中文版, 1986年 6月号)
公历一九八七年三月二十八日,班禅大师在北京全国人民代表大会的一次会议上就西藏问题指出:“果洛州在杀死了许多人以後,将尸体从山上滚到山脚埋好已挖好的坑内,然後,军队以`庆祝消灭叛匪'的名义,强逼死者亲属在上面跳舞,随後,又将全部亲属用机枪扫射杀死。如此对康、安多地区的人民实施前所未有的压迫与残害,以及将西藏人十个、二十个地成批屠杀所造成的仇恨依然被西藏人所牢记。"
公历一九五九年三月十日,对西藏拉萨人民的反抗运动进行镇压,在短短的两、三天之内,就有约一万到一万五千人被打死。
西藏军区政治委员会的一份公元一九六零年机密文件中,记叙了从公历一九五九年三月到一九六零年十月间,仅仅在西藏中部卫藏地区就消灭八万七千名西藏人的情况。
在西藏流亡政府的统计文件中,从公历一九四九年到一九七九年间,由于中国的残酷统治,造成了一百二十余万西藏人的丧身。

死于监狱、劳改营的西藏人

根据从监狱或劳改营中幸存藏人的报告:在整个西藏犯人中,约有百分之七十的犯人死于狱中。例如:在北方茶卡,即西藏北方荒无人烟区,中国人在那儿修建了五座监狱,将一万余名西藏犯人赶到这儿开采硼砂。据其後的幸存者证实,由于饥渴和繁重的劳役,加上无休止的折磨和虐待,造成几乎每日都有十至三十人的死亡,一年之内。即有八千余名犯人死去。再如以强逼西藏人服苦役而建成的、现在却被说成是由中国解放军修建的纳金水电厂为例。当时,在众目睽睽之下,几乎每天都有三至四个犯人的尸体被抛入河流或进行火化。康定铅矿工人,雅荣(新龙)的阿妈阿德指出:仅公历一九六零年到一九六二年间,就有一万两千零十九名西藏犯人死于开采铅矿的苦役中。


目前的西藏人权问题

公历一九七六年九月,毛泽东死後,中国的政策发生了变化,即在经济上放松和实行开放。对待政治犯也比较以往稍有改善,但是除经济上的放松或开放,对西藏的政治、自由等方面并没有发生任何的变化。公历一九八二年五月,将进行政治活动的一百一十五名西藏人以走私或刑事犯罪等罪名逮捕。其後又有许多人被逮捕。公历一九八三年十一月底,仅在拉萨市区的监狱中,即关押著七百五十余名政治犯,公历一九八七年九月二十日,二百余名拉萨群众进行示威游行,其後的十月一日和一九八八年三月五日,前後连续发生的游行示威中,中国军警开枪镇压,不仅打死打伤许多西藏示威者,而且还逮捕了两千余名西藏人。
据 UPI新闻社于公历一九八八年七月二十日报道:中国官员乔石于公历一九八八年七月到所谓的“西藏自治区"视察时,宣布要对反抗中国统治的西藏人毫不心慈手软地进行严厉打击。其後,该项政策马上得到贯彻。公历一九八八年十二月十日,在大昭寺前的广场上,中国政府对西藏人和平抗议运动进行镇压时,其经过为当时在场的荷兰籍女士科端斯扎(音)所亲眼见到。她说:“当时军警没有 进行任何的警告便向人群肆意扫射。她在逃跑时手臂被击中。"一位西方国家的记者指出:“中国军警明确地得到了要杀死藏人的命令,不管怎样,在当时的镇压中至少有十五名西藏人被打死,一百五十余人受伤,许多人被 逮捕。"?
从公历一九八九年三月五日开始,连续三天在拉萨发生示威游行,当示威者高举西藏国旗,高呼西藏独立的口号时,中国人再次武力镇压并向西藏人的住宅开枪射击,据人们估计:当时约有八十至四百人丧生,而中国却声称只有十一人死亡。另据当时在西藏的中国记者唐达先所说:当时的 镇压使四百余西藏人被集体屠杀,几千人受伤,三千余人被逮捕。
公历一九八九年三月七日晚:国务院发布了拉萨戒严的命令。公历一九九零年五月一日宣布解严,国务院虽宣布解除戒严,但是,公历一九九一年七月澳大利亚官方的人权代表在去拉萨视察後明确指出:“公历一九九零年虽解除了军事戒严,但那只是名义上的,事实上军事戒严仍在实施之中。"国际大赦 组织在公历一九九一年的年结中,不仅作出了类似上述的说明,而且还指出武装警察无限止地掌握著随心所欲地逮捕和监禁西藏人的权力。
为了使所谓解放西藏四十周年的仪式能够顺利进行,于公历一九九零年五月十日将一百四十六名西藏人以各种罪名逮捕,随後召开所谓公判大会,并就逮捕事项进行公布。而在真正“庆祝"的那天,却在拉萨采取极为严厉的管制措施。 公历一九九二年二月又突然 展开镇压行动,每队十人的中国武装军警同时闯入拉萨各居民的住宅,并将守藏有达赖喇嘛的照片,语录或讲经之书籍、录音带的二百余名西藏人以这些守藏物是要颠覆国家为名予以逮捕。
中国政府 虽如此不断地进行残酷的武装镇压,但西藏人从公历一九八七年开始的和平抗议运动却从未间断过。据现有的材料:从公历一九八七年九月到一九九二年之间,在整个西藏范围内发生的和平示威游行至少有一百五十多次,对持不同政见者和未经法律程序而随意逮捕或监禁的政治犯进行各种各样的虐待和折磨以及判处死刑或非法处决等情况已成为国际大赫组织关心西藏人权问题时,经常考虑或注意到的。
有关中国在西藏实施的宪法或法律条款中,不仅限制了基本的人权,而且没有按照国际法原则保障人权等情况,在国际大赦组织于公历一九九二年一月出版的“对中华人民共和国与西藏状况的忧虑"中均做了描述。
设在美国的亚洲观察组织于公历一九九零年五月写的《残暴的镇压与西藏人权》的报告中指出:“西藏和平示威者,持不同政见者等凡对中国统治表示不满者,中国统治者一概认为这些是在进行违法的分裂活动,进而不断加强武力镇压。中国人在毫无仁慈地进行镇压,在西藏已是经常实施的一个行为。"
中国在西藏的践踏人权行为是一个普遍的问题,根据确凿 的情况,中国违背了包括自己在内与各国协商通过的国际法,例如,违背联合国的《禁止酷刑公约》以及《国际人权宪章》等等。


随意逮捕、不准与外界接触的拘押、失踪 、未经审判程序的处决等

在国际大赦 组织于公历一九九零年的工作总结中可以看到许多有关由于随意逮捕、关押而不让外人接触,从而使许多西藏人去向不明或当场被处死的证据材料。在该总结中还记录了公历一九八九年三月拉萨戒严以後将千余名与中国持不同政见者为主的西藏人逮捕,并将其中的一些人不经任何审判程序使随即处死等情况,以及仅仅在公历一九八九年一年之内,就不间断的任意逮捕或不经任何审理以证明罪行而长期关押等无视践踏人权行为的情况。
在中国统治下的西藏,任何犯人都根本无权询问自己被逮捕的原因,审理地点 ,以及被告在法律上的权益等等。(逮捕时)出示法律机关签署的逮捕证的情况极为罕见,即使有逮捕证亦不出示。
西藏人的任何行为都有可能成为逮捕和监押的原因:与外国人交谈;张贴标语;颂唱爱国歌曲;收听或观看有《达赖喇嘛自传》 、讲经或教诲的录音、录像带;收集和平示威中自己同胞的伤亡情况;在十月一日,红色中国政权建立日,仅因提示朋友“要穿藏装",即以“施展阴谋"的罪名而被逮捕关押。不准西藏人与外人接触并拘押是一个极为平常的、司空见惯的现象。寻找被拘押者的关押地点或下落就完全是依赖于其亲属的努力。(见一九九一年伦敦出版的《对龙的迎战:西藏人权》第 33页)。
对被监禁的人,在几天,几个月,乃至几年以後才会说明逮捕的有关情况。由于这些人员是被非法监押,所以,在开始阶段,对其亲属就监押一事是不做任何说明的。


酷 刑

审讯犯人时实施酷刑,已是相沿已久的一个普遍的问题,中国于公历一九八六年十二月十二日在《禁止酷刑公约》上签字。从公历一九八八年以後,虽然该公约似乎要在中国正式实施。但对无视或践踏西藏人权的现象并没有任何的改变。据在监狱中亲身经验过虐待的人士所言,(中国军警)不仅使用电棒、拳打脚踢,使用枪托和铁棍击打,而且,总是顺手使用手中的任何武器,或利用各种各样、五花八门的刑具实施酷刑。用烟头烫,让电流通过人身,放狗咬,尤其向女性的阴道捅电棒等,用这些惨无人道、无所不用其极的残酷虐待强逼犯人“招供"罪行。
最近来自西藏东部、原在西藏曾为中国公安人员的流亡人士指出:“在西藏,中国人实施酷刑的种类有三十三种之多。在公历一九八九年九月的“西藏自治区"共产党内部文件《要征服别人,必须首先征服自己》之第二版第二十一页中,中国承认为了对西藏人实施酷刑而制造新刑具的情况。


不依法运作

对被告最基本的保障应是在还没有被依法证明有罪以前,被告应是无罪的。但在中国的法律中。对此并不明确。
对政治犯不是按罪行处刑,而是处予超乎寻常的重刑,有些没有任何罪行却拖延著让其处于监押之中。被监押者除极个别而外是无法上法庭的。脱离具自由之法庭的监督和管理而由军警掌握将犯人长期监押的权力等。从中国最近通过的一部法律来观之,虽有了向法庭诉讼的权力,而当事实上需要进行诉讼时,则该权利被规定得根本无法实现。
同样,在中国法律中,从未给予被告人以足够的时间陈述和证明自己无罪。为了司法的公正,虽然任何人都可以进入法庭,但中国的法律中是不允许的。而且也只可拥有减轻罪过的申请权利,从无说明自己无罪的申辨之权利。
法官只拥有对已被政治统治者做出了决定的事向外宣布的权利,由此,对西藏人指出法官只是宣读判决之人的说法不必感到任何的惊奇。


行动自由

阻碍西藏人在西藏境内自由迁徒的行为,完全违背了联合国《国际人权宣言》第十三条的规定。
西藏被固定在一个地区居住,如到其他地方,则由于没有户口而无法得到食粮。同时,不管有任何重大事情,若无“政府"批准,个人是无权擅自从一地搬迁到另一地的。以拉萨为例:借口无户口本或无“政府"批准,而将人赶回各自的乡下山村等情况已多次发生。例如:公历一九九一年五月二十三日,在所谓“纪念和平解放西藏四十周年"的准备阶段,以及公历一九八九年三月五日对和平示威进行武力镇压後,有四万余名西藏人被赶出拉萨。
公历一九九二年八月,原住在拉萨东区市医院背後之大片空地上的约六千余名朝圣者或无住房的西藏人全部被赶走,目前,哪儿已建起了中国的单位和商店等。


国际社会对西藏人权的关注

所谓中国“人民解放军"“解放"西藏的说法,在公历一九六零年“国际法律专家协会"有关西藏 问题的报告中已被证明是虚假的谎言。 在该报告中对中国在西藏有计划地践踏人权、灭绝民族等各种行为做了记录。
公历一九五九年,联合国 1357号决议和公历一九六一年第 1723号决议、以及公历一九六五年第 2079号决议第三个要求中国尊重西藏人民自决权和人权的决议,已证实了国际法律专家协会于一九六零年所写的有关西藏问题的报告之正确性。


政府与议会的支持

近几年来,在许多国家的议会中,通过了许多要求中国政府尊重西藏人权的决议。其中,公历一九八七年十月十四日、一九八九年三月十五日和一九九零年四月二十五至二十六日分别在欧洲议会通过了决议。公历一九八七年十月十五日的西德和公历一九八九年四月十二日意大利议会、以及公历一九九零年十二月六日和一九九一年六月六日分别在澳大利亚议会通过了决议。尤其是美国参众两院要求中国尊重西藏的政治权益和人权的十次决议,以及美国议会就中国对西藏的非法入侵和西藏人民所公认的合法代表是达赖喇嘛和西藏流亡政府的决议。该决议于一九九一年十月二十八日经总统布什签字已成为法律。同时,许多国家直接向中国政府就西藏问题表示了忧虑。
公历一九八九年四月二十七日在印度和公历一九八九年五月二十四日在奥地利,公历一九八九年三月二十六日在瑞士和公历一九八九年三月九日的澳大利亚等国家的议会议员们相继成立了支援西藏的组织,对处于强权之下的西藏状况给予了极大的重视和关注,并在议会对西藏问题展开讨论。 近年来


西藏问题在联合国的讨论

公历一九八五年,有关西藏的人权状况再次在联合国得到讨论。许多非官方组织向联合国人权委员会呼吁应重视西藏的人权问题。从此,联合国人权委员会以及其下属各分支机构对西藏问题进行公开的讨论。
公历一九九零年二月,在联合国人权委员会召开的第四十六次会议时,欧共体、美国、加拿大、瑞典、澳大利亚等国就西藏问题进行讨论,当时,上述官方组织还发行了有关中国在西藏实行民族歧视、军事戒严、剥夺自决权等解说西藏问题书籍。
联合国各分支机构召开许多不同形式与规模不等的有关西藏问题的听证会,并对中国代表设法回避事实的行为有力地进行了谴责,尤其是公历一九九零年召开的禁止酷刑的会议上,对中国代表特别地进行了严厉谴责。
公历一九九一年八月二十三日,保护少数民族与消除种族歧视等联合国各分支机构通过的“西藏局势"第 91/ 10号决议书,对由于践踏西藏的基本人权和自由,从而造成西藏特殊的文化、宗教、国家的性质等濒临灭绝的危险的处境表示忧虑。从上述情况、已使毛泽东“如果是正确的,就能得到人们的支持"的言论得到了验证。


所谓“政权 归属于人民"是欺世谎言

在中国白皮书中声称:由于“公历一九五九年对西藏的民主改革",使“人民民主的政治得到实施",西藏人民“成为国家的主人"。然而,事实并非如此。
所谓“西藏自治区",表明有“自治"的权益,但事实上,不仅根本谈不上西藏人治理西藏,甚至连表示自已观点的言论自由都没有。不管任何大小问题,最终的决定权,除“西藏自治区"共产党书记而外,西藏人是没有这些权利的。除伍精华是一个少数民族外,其余的共产党书记清一色的全是中国人。 例如:从公历一九五九年开始:张国华、曾雍雅、任荣、阴法唐、胡锦涛、陈奎元等担任了共产党书记的职务。
而在西藏人中的高级官员中,以最有名的阿沛 阿旺晋美为为例,如无职务比他还低的中国官员允许,他无权做出任何决定。似阿沛般拥有很高职务的西藏人,除了按中国人的命令前往西藏视察而外,没有留居西藏的权利。这种无居留或行动自由的处境在班禅大师身上也是真实地出现过。
对外声称在召开的民主大会,事实上,除了对共产党的首脑们提前已做好了决定的各项“议案"举手表示拥护和同意外,提出批评或修改意见是不允许的。并将如此的“决议"称之为通过人民“民主协商"後产生等等。对西藏人不管表面上给予多大的职务,事实上,真正掌握或控制权利的却是该藏族官员“下属"的中国官员。
对西藏人民赋予职权仅仅是表面现象,在类似“西藏自治区计划经济委员会"“西藏自治区人事局"等重要单位中,不管是各级官员还是一般工作人员,中国干部必定要多于西藏籍干部。 而所谓“人民代表大会"的代表候选人,以及当选代表等都是由共产党内部的中国官员早已做好决定的或是由他们从中挑选。
将西藏人口占多数的地区兼并入中国的各个省份,以 剥夺西藏人的政治权益。从这点而言,在投票时,由于在自己的故土也变成了少数民族,从而使其变得毫无意义。

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-30 00:38 | 西藏资料/チベット・資料
日本語で読める人民日報の反ダライ・ラマ宣伝
ダライが「中国の人権問題」を証言?
(1)http://www.people.ne.jp/a/38E4C34B33924D49BB7D483DD82B3E86
(2)http://www.people.ne.jp/a/1334b1ba68944a4583059163c59c84ff


 英国政界の一部の議員はこのほど、訪欧中のダライ(ダライ・ラマ14世)を英国で活動させ、ブラウン首相など政府要人との会談を手配した上、さらには英国議会外交委員会までがいわゆる「中国人権問題公聴会」を開き、ダライに「証言」をさせた。中国政府と各民族人民が震災救援に大変な時に、英国の一部の政治家はダライを招き、「証言」させるとは実にばかげている。

 5月12日に起きた四川大地震の震源地は四川省阿バ蔵族羌族自治州に位置し、ここの住民の55%が蔵(チベット)族である。震災救援は自然災害を前に各民族の民衆の生存権を保護するもので、震災救援こそ人権事業を推し進め、保護するものだ。

 実際に、地震発生後、中国政府は各民族人民の救援を迅速に行い、透明度の最も高い被災情報を公開するとともに、「国家哀悼日」という形で国を挙げて犠牲者を悼み、中国政府の人権尊重・人権保護・人道主義を重視する姿勢を表した。被災地の蔵族、チャン族、漢族など各民族の住民は分け隔てなく、互いに団結・協力し、助け合い、中国の人権事業の進歩を生き生きと体現した。

 ここ最近、ダライ(ダライ・ラマ14世)はドイツや英国など欧州各国を訪ね、いたるところで無責任な発言をしている。中国政府と中国の人民が震災救援に全力を注いでいる時に、ダライは目の前に発生している人権保護にはなんら実質的な貢献をせず、「人権」を、自らを粉飾し、中国政府にプレッシャーをかける武器としていることを忘れていない。

 その例として、ダライはドイツのメディアに対し、拉薩(ラサ)で起こった「3.14」暴力事件の中国政府の法的処置を「鎮圧」と呼び、英メディアに対しては「中国政府には『道徳的な権威』が欠けている」と発言。英ブランウン首相との会談では「西蔵(チベット)は『文化的大虐殺』に遭っている。これが『人権を破壊する』中国政府のやり方だ」と訴え、中国に対して「さらにプレッシャーをかける」よう要求した。

 「人権への関心」を幾度となく口にするダライは、かつて自分が統治していたあの政教一致、封建農奴制の上に立った旧西蔵が極めて残酷であり、人口の90%以上を占める農奴には最低限の生存権さえも保障されておらず、西蔵史上において誰もが認める人権の暗黒期だったことを忘れたのだろうか。ダライが画策・扇動した「3.14」暴力事件は各民族からなる住民の生存権・財産権・発展権を破壊し、その人権を踏みにじった。

 人権問題について、悪名を歴史に記録され、いまでもデマ三昧のダライが、何の資格があっていわゆる「中国の人権問題」を「証言」するのか?また、どのような「道徳的権威」から中国の人権事業を非難するのか?

 ダライにとって(四川大地震が発生した)この時にこそ、もっと実際の行動で誠意を示すべきだ。真に祖国分裂の活動を止め、暴力活動の画策・扇動を止め、北京五輪を破壊する活動を止めること、そして中央政府との次の話し合いに向けてその条件を作り出すことこそが、彼にとって唯一の解決策だ。しかし、様々な事実が明らかにするように、ダライはなお分裂活動を停止していない。その上、「人権」は彼にとって分裂活動を行う隠れみのでしかないのだ。(編集KA)


 「人民網日本語版」 2008年05月29日


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胡錦濤は胡耀邦のツメの垢を保管しているだろうか。
キ○ガイばかりの某国政府において、数少ないマトモ人間のひとりが胡耀邦であった。


統一日報 : 「党幹部はチベットを去れ」 胡耀邦
少数民族問題直視したただ一人の総書記

2008年5月28日発行
http://www.onekoreanews.net/past/2008/200805/news-seiji02_080528.cfm

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-29 23:26 | 西藏资讯/チベット・ニュース
TAIPEI TIMES 論説 : 中国、もうひとつの民族浄化
Editorial: China's other ethnic cleansing
http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2007/11/06/2003386489


TIPEI TIMES Tuesday, Nov 06, 2007, Page 8
While human rights organizations often focus on Beijing's repression of Tibetans and rights advocates throughout China, one group of people, the Uyghurs, has not received the attention a plight of their magnitude should warrant.

This could, in part, be the result of Uyghurs being concentrated in Xinjiang, whose remoteness makes reporting on the situation there more onerous. Beijing's cynical exploitation of the US-led "war on terrorism" since Sept. 11, 2001, as it represses this Muslim minority is also part of the reason why their suffering remains largely unknown. Readers may recall Huseyin Celil, the Canadian Uyghur who in April was sentenced to life in prison for alleged "terrorist activities." Celil, sadly, still languishes in jail and Ottawa has grown conspicuously silent on the matter. In the past six years, more than 3,000 Uyghurs have been arrested on similar charges.

Last week, Nobel Peace Prize nominee Rebiya Kadeer, who lives in exile in the US after spending five years in prison for defending Uyghur rights (or, as Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang (秦剛) said in September, for conniving with "terrorist forces abroad" and spreading "state secrets"), accused Chinese authorities of forcibly relocating as many as 240,000 young Uyghur women out of Xinjiang, where the so-called "work opportunities" awaiting them are in reality a descent into exploitative factory work and possibly worse.

Meanwhile, in an Oct. 18 letter to the National People's Congress, Amnesty International called on Chinese authorities to end a practice known as reeducation through labor (RTL). Amnesty reports that hundreds of thousands of Chinese have been affected by RTL, which can be imposed for "crimes" -- such as criticizing the government or following banned beliefs -- that are not considered serious enough to be punishable by criminal law.

While no one has so far come out and put two and two together, the uprooting of hundreds of thousands of women from a specific ethnic group and religious belief bears all the hallmarks of the RTL policy and promises to be as devastating to Uyghur communities as the reeducation program during the Cultural Revolution was for the educated classes. The removal of 240,000 women of reproductive age (most of them are believed to be between 16 and 25 years old) from a population of approximately 8.3 million Uyghurs in Xinjiang will have severe implications for the birth rate there.

As was the case during the Cultural Revolution, Beijing hopes the women subjected to forced transfer will marry Chinese from a different background -- in the present case non-Uyghurs/Muslims -- and thereby break the bonds that tie them to their community.

This, however, is only a new rung in Beijing's long history of trying to erase Uyghur identity. Starting in 1990, China began promoting mixed marriages in Xinjiang, offering Uyghurs better social benefits if they married non-Uyghur Chinese and, conversely, 3,000 yuan (US$402) stipends for Han Chinese marrying Uyghurs. Birth control, forced abortion and sterilization (which the People's Daily claimed in 2001 was "voluntary") have also been reported.

The ramifications of such practices on the social cohesion of Uyghurs have yet to be fully understood, but it is clear they represent an attempt to assimilate the ethnic minority, with the long-term objective of watering down, if not altogether eradicating, its identity. In other words, we are witnessing nothing less than ethnic cleansing. Also, as international conventions define a child as anyone below the age of 18, the forced employment of many Uyghur women is child labor.

Surely all those women cannot be "terrorists." Their only "crime" is being female and belonging to the Uyghur ethnic minority.


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ご紹介した記事からわかるように、政府は若いウイグル人女性を労働力として、また中国人の結婚相手としてウイグルの土地から引き離そうとしている。中国人とウイグル人の結婚には報奨金すら支払われている。また、強制中絶や強制避妊手術も行われているという。民族浄化と非難される所以だ。
中国には女児が不足しているのかというと、確かに不足している。
以下の写真を見ると不足する理由がわかるような気がする。
e0113320_1483827.jpg
禁止歧视,虐待,遗弃女婴
女児の遺棄、虐待、差別を禁止する / 丹山鎮 党委員会政府

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:PRC_family_planning_don%27t_abandon_girls.jpg

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-25 01:25 | 东突资讯/ウイグル・ニュース
愛国戦士の怒りの矛先
China Information Center.
http://www.observechina.net/info/artshow.asp?ID=48970
e0113320_10845.jpg
法国驻北京使馆的街前,愤青不为本国政府的暴行愤怒,却为法国人同情藏人而怒不可遏。(4/19/2008)

e0113320_102917.jpg
这个愤青在自己国家连话语权、知情权都没有,却有权利在伦敦BBC公司前,抗议BBC撒谎。无知还是无耻?(4/19/2008)

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-19 01:13 | 西藏资讯/チベット・ニュース
博訊:日本の学校は避難所だが、中国の学校は墓場
美利坚和: 叫我如何不愤怒, 地震中的日本学校与中国学校
(博讯北京时间2008年5月15日 转载)
http://peacehall.com/news/gb/pubvp/2008/05/200805150919.shtml


1995年1月17日5时46分,日本关西神户地区发生里氏7.2级强烈地震。拥有近200万人口的神户市,在20秒地震后遭受灭顶之灾。无数幢房屋倒塌,火灾四起,死亡人数达5300多人。

能够经受剧烈震动而屹立是什么建筑? 是学校。因此,地震后神户临时避难所往往是学校。

2007年7月16日9时13分,日本新潟县西南发生6.8级地震。本次地震是日本1995年神户地震以来最严重的一次地震,日本政府称为“平成19年新潟县中越海上地震”。地震造成灾区公路和桥梁严重变形,沿着海岸线的地面上出现了一条近一米的长裂缝,整个海岸则向西北方向移动了16厘米,上千栋建筑坍塌毁坏。

能够经受剧烈震动而屹立是什么建筑? 是学校。因此,地震后新潟临时避难所往往是学校。
激震に見舞われたにもかかわらず倒壊しなかった建物はなにか?学校である。新潟の地震発生後、避難所となったのは学校だったのだ。

为什么日本的学校特别坚固?因为日本知道,学校中的孩子,就是日本的未来。
日本の学校はどうしてそんなに堅牢なのか?学童たちこそが日本の未来であることを日本人は知っているのだ。

***

2008年5月12日14时28分,中国四川汶川发生7.8级强烈地震,至今有统计的伤亡已经近两万人。地震毁坏了许多建筑房屋,毁坏了的建筑下埋入成千上万的人。

最不能承受震动的是什么建筑?是学校。因此,汶川地震中学校成了埋葬孩子们的巨大坟墓!
地震の揺れに最も脆かった建物はなにか?学校である。かくして、汶川地震の結果、学校は学童を葬る巨大な墓場と化した。

***

叫我如何不愤怒!

地震是天灾,但成千成千的孩子们被活埋难道不是人祸!
地震は天災であるが、無数の子供たちが生き埋めになったのは人災ではないのか?

孩子们,如果你们还能投胎来世,做猫做狗不做中国人!
子供たちよ、来世があるとしても、ネコやイヌに生まれなさい。中国人にはならないように!

(博讯 boxun.com)(本文只代表作者或者发稿团体的观点、立场)


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参考:日本学校和国家电视台的建筑特别牢固
2008-05-14 03:18:22 来源: 金羊网(广州)
http://news.163.com/08/0514/03/4BSFSFT50001121M.html
[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-18 23:35 | 中国社会/中国社会
産経: 安倍前首相がトフティさんの釈放を要請
2008年5月9日のエントリーに追記

クリック

まずこの漫画でトフティさんを知る


「無事釈放を…」安倍前首相発言で緊張走る
 
05/08 18:37
http://sankei.jp.msn.com/politics/situation/080508/stt0805081830001-n1.htm

http://www.iza.ne.jp/news/newsarticle/politics/politicsit/143418


e0113320_1656268.jpg
 中国の胡錦濤国家主席と中曽根康弘、海部俊樹、森喜朗、安倍晋三の歴代首相4人との朝食会が8日朝、東京都千代田区のホテルニューオータニで開かれた。89歳と最年長の中曽根氏が主宰し、和やかな友好ムードが演出されたが、安倍氏が中国側が神経をとがらせているチベットやウイグルの人権問題を指摘したことで、一時緊迫する場面もあった。出席者らの証言から、その様子を再現する。

 朝食会は午前8時からの約1時間で、会場の日本料理屋入り口では中曽根氏らが出迎えた。計6回の靖国神社参拝をめぐり、中国側と対立した小泉純一郎元首相は「おれが行ったら、胡主席は来ないんじゃないか」と周囲に漏らしており、姿を見せなかった。

 「みなさんとお会いできるチャンスを得て大変うれしい。このように一堂に会するのは初めてであり、かなり創造的な形だ」

 胡主席はにこやかに謝意を表明し、中曽根氏の正面の席に着いた。タケノコ、マグロのづけ、銀ダラ西京焼き、しじみ汁…と旺盛な食欲でたいらげたが、「さすがにおかわりはしなかった」(海部氏)という。

 中曽根氏は「今まで日中関係は必ずしも良好ではなかったが、7日の日中共同声明により新しい展開が可能になるだろう」と胡主席来日の成果を高く評価。海部氏は東シナ海ガス田問題について「だんだんよい方向で進んでいるようなので、ぜひその方向で進めてほしい」と要請した。

 こうした会場の「緩い空気」(出席者)が一変したのは、続いて安倍氏がこう発言してからだ。

 「お互い国が違うので、利益がぶつかることもあるが、戦略的互恵関係の構築に向け、相互訪問を途絶えさせない関係をつくっていくことが重要だ」

 これは、小泉氏の靖国参拝をめぐり中国側が首脳交流を途絶えさせたことを暗に批判したものだった。安倍氏はその上で、「チベットの人権状況を憂慮している。五輪開催によって、チベットの人権状況がよくなるのだという結果を生み出さなければならない」と指摘した。

 会場には緊張感が走り、出席者はみな一様に黙り込んだが、安倍氏はさらにウイグル問題にも言及した。東大に留学中の平成10年の一時帰国中、国家分裂を扇動したとして中国に逮捕されたトフティ・テュニヤズさんについて「彼の奥さん、家族は日本にいる。無事釈放されることを希望する」と求めたのだ。

 「私はその件は知らないので、正しい法執行が行われているか調べる」

 胡主席は、こう返答したが、チベット問題については触れようとしなかった。


 安倍氏の発言で生じた気まずい雰囲気を修復しようと動いたのが森氏だった。北京五輪について「中国はメダルをたくさん取る作戦でくるのでしょうね」と水を向け、胡主席の笑顔を引き出した。

            ◇

 朝食会での安倍晋三前首相の発言要旨は次の通り。

 戦略的互恵関係の構築に向け。相互訪問を途絶えさせない関係をつくっていくことが重要だ。国が違えば利益がぶつかることがあるが、お互いの安定的関係が両国に利益をもたらすのが戦略的互恵関係だ。問題があるからこそ、首脳が会わなければならない。

 私が小学生のころに日本で東京五輪があった。そのときの高揚感、世界に認められたという達成感は日本に対する誇りにつながった。中国も今、そういうムードにあるのだろう。その中で、チベットの人権問題について憂慮している。ダライ・ラマ側との対話再開は評価するが、同時に、五輪開催によってチベットの人権状況がよくなったという結果を生み出さなければならない。そうなることを強く望んでいる。

 これはチベットではなくウイグルの件だが、日本の東大に留学していたトフティ・テュニヤズさんが、研究のため中国に一時帰国した際に逮捕され、11年が経過している。彼の奥さん、家族は日本にいる。無事釈放され、日本に帰ってくることを希望する。


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e0113320_062888.jpg安倍さんの生きる道はコレだ! 
たとえば… チベット、東トルキスタンをはじめとした中国の覇権主義への牽制
たとえは… 中国とスーダン、ジンバブエ、ビルマの軍事独裁政権との関与の糾弾

もう二度と首相に返り咲かなくていい。ひたすらヨゴレ役を買って出てくれ。
おそらく、安倍さんはすでにいろいろ知っている。アキエ夫人はダライ・ラマ法王とも面会した。
小泉さんでは中国人の反発を招きやすい。安倍さんこそ、適度な影響力を発揮できる人物だ。


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《追記》
週刊新潮:胡錦濤「朝食会」でちょっと男を上げた「安倍前首相」
http://www.shinchosha.co.jp/shukanshincho/tachiyomi/20080515_1.html

 ホテルニューオータニ(千代田区)で、8日に行われた歴代4首相と胡錦濤中国国家主席の朝食会。その場の空気が凍りついた瞬間があった。
 中曽根氏らは当たり障りのない挨拶で、和んだ雰囲気でしたが、最後の安倍氏で一変。“チベットの人権問題について憂慮している”という言葉に続けて、ウイグル人の東大留学生の釈放を求めたんです。気まずくなった雰囲気を、森氏が“中国はメダルをたくさん取る作戦で来るんでしょうね”と、五輪の話題で丸く収めた」(政治部記者)
 その留学生とは、トフティ・テュニヤズ氏で、98年、研究のために一時帰国すると、国家分裂を扇動したとして逮捕。懲役11年の刑で、投獄されているという。
 今回、福田首相は、チベット問題について胡主席に突っ込まず、対中強硬派の小泉元首相は朝食会を欠席。結局、苦言を呈したのは安倍氏だけだった。
 「福田首相は、国際的な評価を受けるチャンスを、みすみす逃してしまった。一番、ポイントを稼いだのは安倍氏です。お粗末な退陣で過去の人になっていましたが、政治家としての立ち位置を取り戻したと思いますよ」(政治ジャーナリストの花岡信昭氏)
 さて、安倍氏に聞くと、
「トフティさんのことは、総理を辞めた後、ウイグル解放運動のリーダー、ラビア・カーディルさんから聞いていました。先月末、中川昭一さんの“真・保守政策研究会”に、トフティさんの奥さんが来ていて、涙ながらに助けて下さいと言われたんです。そこで、私は、朝食会で言おうと決めていました」
 さらに、チベット問題について、こう続ける。
「国際社会も高い関心を持っているし、歴代首相が何の声も上げないのはおかしい。朝食会で誰も発言しないのであれば私が、と思っていました。チベットの話を切り出すと、胡氏は緊張した面持ちで、場の雰囲気も険悪になりましたがね。締めに中曽根さんが“安倍君、もういいか”と言うので、“はい、結構ですよ”と。森さんに取り成してもらおうとは思っていませんでしたよ」
 これで少しは名誉挽回となったか。

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-17 01:11 | 东突资讯/ウイグル・ニュース
The Sydney Morning Herald: シルクロードを包囲する鋼鉄の輪
The Sydney Morning Herald
Circle of steel around the silk road

http://www.smh.com.au/news/world/circle-of-steel-around-the-silk-road/2008/05/09/1210131264414.html?page=fullpage#contentSwap1


May 10, 2008

It's not just Tibet that China stands over, Kirsty Needham reports from Xinjiang.

He was arrested as he arrived at the school gate, in full view of fellow students and his teachers. Taken away by police, the Uygur teenager remains in jail three months later.

His crime was to look at websites and send an email to an overseas group - daily activities for most teens. But in Xinjiang, the vast region of desert and mountains in China's far west, this constitutes a political crime - no matter how young the emailer - if it suggests contact between the Uygur ethnic minority and external organisations pushing for Xinjiang to become a separate, Islamic, state.

His friends say they do not really know what was in the email. There has been no trial. The school was afraid to get involved - it would only lead to more arrests. Guilt by association is common here, I am told.

"Thieves receive better justice here than people accused of political crimes," says Ali (not his real name), the director of an Islamic network whose work involves assisting unemployed youth.

In the Olympic year, and particularly since the Tibetan monk uprising that reached neighbouring provinces, things have been worse, Ali says.

Any hopes held by some of his young friends of being in Beijing for the Games in August - perhaps to sell Xinjiang's famous dried fruit to tourists - have gone, because, he says, people are being denied permission to travel to other provinces.

At the edge of an empty paddock, sitting in the gutter of one of the new highways built by the Chinese Government as it seeks to show off the infrastructure benefits it has brought to the region, Ali can speak boldly because there is no one within earshot. But he says there is no freedom of speech in Xinjiang, and secret police and informers are widespread, even among the Uygurs.

He knows many people, like that schoolboy in another town, who have been taken away this year, and of Uygurs working as secret police who have broken down crying after questioning those brought in as "terrorism" suspects under China's "strike hard" campaign against Islamic separatism.

"Tibet is better off than Xinjiang because the world is watching. But no one watches or knows about Xinjiang," he says.

Once on the fabled Silk Route between East and West, now the gateway to central Asian countries with which China has struck gas pipeline deals, Xinjiang sits on a third of China's oil reserves. The Government says that it has spent $U125 billion ($133 billion) on infrastructure in western China, and this year forecasts Xinjiang's gross domestic product to rise by 12 per cent.

Ali concedes the Chinese have invested heavily, and life is good for the urban middle class of Xinjiang's neat capital, Urumqi. But he explains that those seeking independence are motivated by other factors. In common with the Tibetans, their gripes centre on the loss of cultural identity, social inequality and lack of religious freedom.

In the ancient trading post of Kashgar, a large notice erected by the Government in the grounds of the 15th-century Id Kah mosque warns that worshippers should "oppose ethnic separatism and illegal religious activities".

"Young people cannot learn about their religion," Ali says. Children under 18 are not allowed inside mosques, and by the time they reach this age "their minds are formed and they have no time for religion". He blames the vacuum left by the absence of religion for a rise in alcoholism, drug abuse and prostitution in Uygur society. Xinjiang has the second-highest HIV infection rate in China.

The Uygurs feel the Chinese are wiping out their culture, he says, as large numbers of Han Chinese, encouraged by the Government, have migrated to Xinjiang and now make up about half of the population. Students must speak Chinese, not Uygur, in school.

Young Uygurs say it is difficult to find work after graduation. The official unemployment rate is 4 per cent, but is said to be much higher outside Urumqi, and higher among the Uygurs who live in greater numbers in smaller towns. Rural incomes of about 4500 yuan ($683) a year are four times lower than those of urban residents.

Ali says the Government has become aware of the problem of ethnic discrimination in the workplace by Chinese companies and government departments, but he says it may be too slow in addressing the issue.

"I do not hate the Chinese, because they are just people, but we need to be treated equally," he says.

The Uygur people make up 8.8 million of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region's population of 19.6 million, and their presence here dates back to the clan of Dingling in the third century BC and the kingdom of Gaochang in the eighth century BC.

In southern towns such as Yarkand, on the edge of the Taklaman Desert, historic mosques draw thousands to Friday prayers but are no longer permitted to serve as Islamic pilgrimage sites. A rich heritage of Uygur kingdoms is remembered in the dusty tombs of past kings and the Uygur queen and recorder of folk songs, Ammanisahan.

But in the multimillion-dollar Xinjiang Autonomous Region Museum in Urumqi, the Chinese Government puts forward a different history: "In 59 BC Xinjiang was listed as [the] Han Dynasty's domain formally and it became an inalienable component of the great motherland."

Although housing an admirable collection of Tang dynasty relics, the museum has scant detail on the arrival of Islam in Xinjiang between the 10th and 14th centuries, the role of the Altun mosque in Yarkand as an important Asian madrassa, or Islamic school, in the 16th century, or prominent Uygur scholars or poets.

"Xinjiang has been the multinational homeland from ancient times. Forty-seven nationalities live here today," reads a display that highlights the colourful hats of the 12 largest ethnic groups. These include 1.35 million Kazaks, 40,000 Tajik's, 11,100 Russians and 4900 recently arrived Tartars. The role of the Uygurs is played down as just one ethnic group among many. A similar argument - that there are many other ethnic groups living in Tibet - is frequently rolled out in the Chinese state media against Tibetan "splittists".

In recent weeks a convoy of 50 People's Liberation Army trucks could be seen rumbling across the desert roads of Kashgar; and large groups of military officers from Lanzhou, in Gansu province, and riot police in open trucks were a daily sight in Urumqi. Hundreds of village walls have been painted with red slogans urging people to put the nation first and build a peaceful society. Security is tight at Xinjiang's airports, bus and train stations because of a history of bombings by violent separatist factions, and a recent failed attempt by a suicide bomber to blow up an aircraft.

The Government is concerned that terrorists will seek to use the Olympics to draw international attention to their cause, particularly after the Tibetan protests. Uygurs are keen to learn of the world's reaction to the Lhasa uprising.

But Ali is sceptical of the Government's report last month that it had uncovered a plot by Xinjiang separatists to kidnap foreign journalists and tourists during the Olympics.

"This is just politics. Who do the terrorists hate? It is not the foreigners."


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真silkroad?さんが翻訳を掲載してくれました
http://kok2.no-blog.jp/tengri/2008/05/e_3cec.html
[PR]
by yaponluq | 2008-05-15 02:48 | 东突资讯/ウイグル・ニュース