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Kashgar’s Old City: Politics of Demolition
Kashgar’s Old City: Politics of Demolition
http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Current-Affairs/Security-Watch/Detail/?id=98600&lng=en


The heart of Kashgar - a place where Uighur people have lived and worked for centuries - is being destroyed or transformed into a tourist theme-park, and its people resettled. In a pattern familiar in modern China no one has asked the Uighurs themselves, says Henryk Szadziewski for openDemocracy.

By Henryk Szadziewski for openDemocracy.net



In the heart of Kashgar's old city, the bustle of central Asian life has not changed in centuries. In bright sunlight, the mud-brick buildings seemingly blend in with labyrinth-like streets powdered by the sands of the Taklamakan desert. Coppersmiths hammer away making shapely bowls, pans and jugs, which will sit on the shelves of cool courtyard-fronted homes. A seller of shirniliq meghiz (hand-made Uighur candy) pushes his cart in the heat of the day, stops, and wipes the sweat from his brow.

Women, their heads covered with brown-colored gauzed blankets, move from market-stall to market-stall discussing the cost of spices (sold in huge sacks) and cuts of mutton (hanging on shaded meat-hooks). Vendors selling hand-sewn doppas (Uighur skull-caps) and brightly decorated knives from Yengisar, (the best in the region) watch donkey-cart drivers shouting the warning posh! posh! as they navigate the streets and the people. Minarets subtly overlook over the scene, reminding Kashgaris that in addition to trade, Islam is also an influence on their daily routines. Then, a muezzin's call breaks the activity and stirs the pious to hurry along the narrow streets to attend prayers.

Such a portrait of timeless Uighur traditions and livelihoods - so familiar from the work of travel-writers and journalists - is compelling. But there is another Kashgar, one firmly rooted in the 21st century. This Kashgar contains high-rise apartment blocks, cellphones, cars, western fashions, Dove chocolate bars and mass-produced consumer goods. Kashgaris are not only coppersmiths and traders; the Uighur men and women of this city are also bank-tellers, university professors and auto-mechanics.

Kashgar has a long and layered past. It is a city with a history stretching over 2,000 years. Its location - in a fertile oasis to the north of the Pamir mountains and on the western edge of the Taklamakan desert - has put it at the center of traffic heading west to central Asia and eventually to Europe, east to China and south to the sub-continent. As a crossroads between civilisations (sometimes the travel-writers' clichés are true), Kashgar was one of the major trading centres of the Silk Road; in his Travels, Marco Polo recorded a visit here in the 1270s.

Throughout its history, Kashgar has hosted a mix of peoples, religions and languages, among which the Uighurs have been for centuries at the center, giving this city its character and flavor. The Uighurs are a Turkic Muslim people, who consider Kashgar's old city as one of the cradles of their culture and the physical embodiment of an illustrious history. Today, however, in a story that has largely fallen under the radar of the international media, the old city is being demolished by the ruling Chinese government. This demolition brings with it some fundamental, opposed ideas that relate directly and personally to the many people affected: tradition vs modernity, conservation vs construction, assimilation vs resistance.

The lure of the modern

The reports in official Chinese media indicate that the demolition of Kashgar's old city is well underway. The reports paint a benevolent picture of what is being called a "residents' resettlement project". A number of articles published in February 2009 outlined the specifics of the project. The Chinese authorities considered that the 65,000 houses in Kashgar's old city were suffering from poor drainage and were vulnerable to collapse from earthquakes. For their safety, the residents of the old city would therefore be moved to newly constructed buildings away from the area.


Among 1.5 million foreign and domestic tourists visit Kashgar annually, generating approximately 620 million yuan in revenue; it adds that Kashgar's old city is a must-see tourist attraction. There would seem to be little economic incentive or logic, therefore, in demolishing the old city.

But the plans anticipate a switch of focus: a state official, Wang Zhengrong, explains that part of the old city will be "protected, managed, and developed" with the aim of "creating international heritage scenery." This will increase income from tourism, says Wang, who adds that under the plans tourists will still be able to view "minority lifestyle and architectural characteristics." It is unclear what will be built in the demolished areas of the old city, but Wang Zhengrong's comments suggest that the remainder will operate as an open-air museum of Uighur culture sanitised for tourist consumption.

In addition, the changes appear to involve new management of the old city. There have been rumors circulating online that the local government in Kashgar has offered a group of Han Chinese from Wenzhou the right to administer the area around the heart of the old city, the ancient Id-Kah mosque. In addition, oversight of the Appaq Khoja Mazar - a place of religious significance to Uighurs, though outside the old city itself - has it is said been offered to a Han Chinese company called Jinkun. Whether these rumors are true, there is a genuine concern as to who the real beneficiaries are from the "residents' resettlement project."

The control project

The official Chinese media proclaims the modernity of the new living arrangements for resettled Uighurs, but at the same time neglects to pay much attention to the fact that former old-city residents have been relocated to an area approximately "eight to nine kilometers outside of the city" (according to a correspondent). It is difficult to avoid concluding that the resettlement of Uighurs is part of a policy by the Chinese authorities to dilute Uighur culture by taking control of how Uighur communities are arranged. This control permits closer management of Uighur activity in new regimented living arrangements, and forces on resettled Uyghurs a form of indebtedness where none existed before.

What is left of Uighur identity in the parts of Kashgar's' old city saved from the "residents resettlement project" is also subject to management by Chinese authorities. This management of ethnic identity by the Chinese Communist Party is a common phenomenon in the modern-day People's Republic of China. It has occurred too in places such as Jinghong in the Xishuangbanna region of Yunnan province, where during the 1990s - in a process lasting eight years - the town was transformed from a stronghold of Dai culture to an ethnic theme-park for predominately Han Chinese tourists. In the past, Dai water-festivals were reserved for particular times related to traditional beliefs; now, they have become daily events so that tourists can be sure to not miss out on the fun.

But the situation in Kashgar is for China's leaders a far more grave matter than the one in Jinghong. In the eyes of the Chinese Communist Party, the Uighurs are perceived as far more of a threat to its control and to the territorial integrity of the People's Republic of China than are the Dai. Uighurs, after all, share many cultural features with their Turkic cousins in the independent states of central Asia. Thus the assimilation of Uighurs into China is seen as a policy priority, leading to greater control of Uighur-related issues. This larger purpose is also behind its other elements: a reduction in the status of the Uyghur language, mass Han Chinese in-migration to Uighur areas, and the transfer of Uighur women to eastern China.

What is clear from the "residents' resettlement project" is that the Uighur voice in decision-making was not heard. In the plans to relocate Uighurs living in Kashgar's old city, transparent and meaningful participatory processes for Uighurs were absent. There is no doubt that Uighurs want better living conditions; but perhaps they would prefer this to happen in the context of using a sum equivalent to the project's 3 billion yuan to modernise their current old-city housing, while maintaining one of the few remaining centres of Uighur culture. No one has asked them, and such an option appears nowhere in the official media.


If Uighur participation in the "project" is absent, there is also no way for Uighurs to address grievances stemming from the resettlement (such as unfair compensation) without fear of punishment. This too seems of little concern to Chinese authorities. They too will pay a price, however: for the result of the "residents' resettlement project" will be that tourists from developed nations will stay away from the old-city theme-park. Much more important, Uighurs will be further marginalised and the prospect of a solution to their grievances will be even more distant.

Henryk Szadziewski is the manager of the Uyghur Human Rights Project (www.uhrp.org). He lived in the People's Republic of China for five years, including a three-year period in Uighur-populated regions. Henryk Szadziewski studied modern Chinese and Mongolian at the University of Leeds, and completed a master's degree at the University of Wales, where he specialised in Uighur economic, social and cultural rights.




Kashgar's Old Town Bulldozed; Is Uyghur Culture in Danger?
http://yaponluq.exblog.jp/10334025/
中国政府、ウイグル旧市街地の撤去強行(朝鮮日報)
http://yaponluq.exblog.jp/10331613/
カシュガル旧市街を世界遺産基準で改造
http://yaponluq.exblog.jp/9872795/
カシュガルの旧市街が再開発されようとしています
http://yaponluq.exblog.jp/8524429/
カシュガル旧市街に取り壊し通告 ウイグル族「横暴だ」
http://yaponluq.exblog.jp/8524046/
ウイグル人の土地で少数民族に成り下がるウイグル人
http://yaponluq.exblog.jp/8476163/

[PR]
by yaponluq | 2009-05-29 22:48 | 东突资讯/ウイグル・ニュース
初恋の切なさと、

处女与非处女的区别 看了有点心酸

http://bbs.news.163.com/bbs/photo/130892016.html


我的初恋女友初恋时21岁;

  我的现任女友初恋时16岁。

  我的初恋女友是我的大学同学;

  我的现任女友是我在泡吧时认识的。

  我连哄带骗一年半以后才与我初恋女友发生了关系;

  我与现任女友认识的第二天就睡在了一起。

  我和初恋女友发生关系的地点在我们宿舍;

  我和现任女友在四星酒店开的房。

  送初恋女友一个“史卢比”她高兴好几天,不停地向她室友炫耀;

  送现任女友一个铂金戒子.她看了两眼,放樘?原来是嫌它太小。

  初恋女友买衣服时,逛的是大型批发市场;

  现任女友买衣服时,逛的是品牌专卖店。

  与初恋女友吵架,她边抽泣边小声问道:“难道你不再爱我了吗?”;

  与现任女友吵架,她坐在沙发上指着我骂道:“你们男人他妈的没一个好东西!!”

  与初恋女友在一起时,她把家里每个月寄给她的生活费存到我的食堂饭卡上;

  与现任女友在一起时,我每个月的工资存到她的存折上。

  与初恋女友在一起,早上我醒来时候,她已经买好了早餐等我起来吃;

  与现任女友在一起,她躺在床上对我说:“老公,我饿!去给我买早餐”。

  初恋女友下课后在我教室门口等我一起去食堂吃饭.甚至有时打了饭送来给我吃;

  现在我经常下班了回来买菜做饭等现任女友回来吃.甚至有时还得给她送过去。

  初恋女友经常坐在我身边陪我上网到天亮,最后她伏在桌子上睡了;

  现任女友经常打麻将打天亮,我坐在旁边看着,最后我坐在凳子上睡着了。

  初恋女友听见我和死party们说黄色笑话会脸红;

  现任女友经常把她手机里的黄色短信转发给我。

  初恋女友看见这篇文章,一定会感慨万千;

  现任女友看见这篇文章,一定会怨声连连。

  初恋女友等我老了,我还依然记得她;

  现任女友等我老了,我不知道我能否还记得她。

  第一次和初恋女友约会,吃的是二块钱一碗的刀削面。她说吃不了还夹了一大半给我;

  第一次和现任女友约会,吃的是八十八元一份的西式牛排。完了她还要了一份水果沙拉。

  第一次走路送初恋女友回家,她神采飞扬.笑个不停;

  第一次走路送现任女友回家,她说我小气,怎么不打的?

  第一次牵我初恋女友的手,她的手心在冒汗,呆呆的她任由我牵着(准确说应该是任由我拖着);

  第一次牵我现任女友的手,她自然的把手指反扣过来,牵着我。

  第一次与初恋女友谈论爱情的时候,她坚定地说她相信爱情能够天长地久。闻之我开心了一个礼拜;

  第一次与现任女友谈论爱情的时候,她奚落地说相信爱情会天长地久的人是傻冒+幼稚,是不成熟的表现。闻之我郁闷了一个礼拜。

  第一次与初恋女友接吻,她全身发麻。傻傻站着,发不出声音;

  第一次与现任女友接吻,她把自己的舌头伸向我的口中。

  第一次隔着衣服摸初恋女友的胸脯,她啊的一声大叫,跳着跺开吓的全身出汗;

  第一次摸现任女友的胸脯,发现她乳头已经硬了起来。

  第一次与初恋女友发生关系时,她迟迟不肯脱衣上床;

  第一次与现任女友发生关系时,我们一起洗的“鸳鸯浴”。

  第一次与初恋女友**时,她傻傻地躺在床上,嘴里低语着:“轻点......我怕”;

  第一次与现任女友**时,她双手抱着我的背,双腿夹着我的腰,嘴里叫着:“恩......快点儿,再快点儿.....用力~~~~~!!!”。

  第一次与初恋女友**完事后,她偎依在我怀里,喃喃地说:“人家现在是你的人了,你这一辈子都要对人家好哦.....”,我感动;

  第一次与现任女友**完事后,她瘪着嘴抱怨:“叫你刚才用力嘛,真是没用....”,我尴尬。

  第一次与初恋女友**时,我们都觉得这是心灵上的交流;

  第一次与现任女友**时,我们都觉得这只是器官上的摩擦。

  第一次与初恋女友**时,她出的是血;

  第一次与现任女友**时,她出的是水.
[PR]
by yaponluq | 2009-05-13 01:58 | 社区论坛/BBS
ウイグル人の名前の意味
维吾尔名及汉语意思

维吾尔人的全名,由本名和父名组成,本名在前,父名在后,没有专用的姓。本名与父名之间用间隔号,如“艾尼瓦尔●萨迪克”。在文字材料和书面上用全名合中仅称本名。

男子人名,如:

阿里木(学者)、
哈拉汗(伟大的汗王)、
阿迪里(追求公正者)、
哈里克(创造者)、
巴图尔(勇士)、
艾则孜(有力量的、伟大的、珍贵的)、
热合曼(至仁的)、
萨比尔(善于忍耐的)、
萨迪克(忠诚的)、
艾尼(富有的)、
艾尼瓦尔(最光明的)

等。



也有以植物起名的,多为女子人名, 如:

罕古丽(蝴蝶花)、
热娜(月季花)、
热依罕(紫罗兰)、
古丽苏如合(玫瑰花)、
玛依莎(禾苗)、
奇纳尔(条悬树)。

以日月起名,古时维吾尔人崇拜日月。 男子人名,如:

奎尼(太阳)、
奎尼吐艾迪(太阳出来了)、
夏哈甫(星)等。

女子人名, 如:

阿依(月亮)、
坎曼尔(月亮)、
阿依木(月亮般的女儿)、
玛依努尔(皎洁的月亮)、
阿依吐露(满圆的月亮)、
祖合拉(金星)。


以圣人起名的皆为男子人名, 如:

穆罕默德(买汗买提、买买提为两种不同的叫法,意思均为被永恒赞颂者)、
伊不拉音(服从真主者)、
艾沙(真主的财富)、
伊力亚斯(真主的力量)、
苏来曼(结红以果实的一种植物)、
玉素甫(增多了)、
达吾提(曲调;音律)、


以圣母取名的皆为女子人名, 如:

阿瓦罕(蓝天、深绿色)、
玛力亚木(祈祷者、苦涩的)、
帕蒂曼(断了奶的)、
萨热(愉快、安宁、香甜)、
阿依仙(好生活、忍耐的)。


用宗教词语起名,男子人名较多, 如:

斯拉木(服从、即伊斯兰)、
阿不都肉索里(圣人的使者)、
伊玛尼(信仰)、
艾伯不拉(真主的朋友)、
阿不力孜(真主的奴仆)、
塔里甫(宗教学府学员)、
阿吉(朝觐者)等。


以孩子出生的顺序起名, 男子人名,

艾克板尔(大儿子)、
牙库甫(第二个婴儿)、
艾合坦木(最后一个儿子)、
坎吉(最未的)
等。

   女子人名,如:

热比安(第四个女儿)、
哈蒂曼(最后一个女儿)
等。


以孩子出生的时间起名。 男子人名, 如:

吾守尔(回历一月)、
赛盘尔(回历二月)、
热健甫(回历七月)、
巴拉提(回历八月)、
肉孜(回历九月、即斋月)、
库尔班(牺牲品、即古尔邦节)、
奴肉孜(回历新年)、
海伊提(节日)
等。


   女子人名,如:

阿孜娜(星期五)、
纳哈尔(白天)、
南吾巴哈尔(早春)、
巴哈尔(春天)
等。


其他还有:

吐尔地(站住了)、
吐尔逊(让站住)、
吐尔洪(稳定的)、
托合提(站住了)
等。


以上为男子人名,在这些人名后附加上阿依(月亮)、古丽(花儿)、罕(女士)、克孜(姑娘)、尼莎(女士),便成女子人名。

新中国成立后,维吾尔人迈进社会主义新时代,许多人为孩子起名呈现出新的文化景观,其中以男子人名为多。

如:

阿扎提(解放)、
尼贾提(拯救)、
艾尔克(自由)、
库吐鲁克(喜庆的、吉详的)、
板合提亚尔(洪福无量)、
多里库(浪潮)、
亚里坤(火焰)、
艾伊热提(先进者)、
艾孜买提(好汉)。


在男子人名后加沔(伟壮、古老)、江(生命)、阿洪(原意为宗教人士)、毛拉(学者)、巴依(富翁)等表示敬称;在女子人名后加古丽(花儿)、罕(女士)、克孜(姑娘)、尼莎(女士),等表示敬称。
[PR]
by YAPONLUQ | 2009-05-10 23:30 | 東突厥斯坦/"新疆"ウイグル